Of Judgements and Greater Judgements: Analysing the case of Gandib Kafle v High Court of Patan and Others (2022)

DIVAS BASHYAL*

1. Introduction

Judgements can simply be understood as a final decision by a court backed by legal reasoning. Judgements are supposed to serve justice and are therefore required to be good in law. However, there can be instances where a court can be in error in their judgements and thus, a right to appeal has been provided to the parties in dispute who might be unsatisfied with the judgement. Right to appeal helps a party seek a “greater judgement” from a higher court, which can either affirm the decisions by the lower court, and/or make required changes and observations on it.[1] The higher court can also reverse the judgement provided by the lower court. Judgements and “greater judgements” work with a common intention i.e. to serve justice. However, to seek such “greater judgements” right to appeal must be used effectively.

The article addresses historical developments in the jurisprudence pertaining to the right to appeal, the legal confusions surrounding it and how such confusions have been corrected. The article also intends to make aware the legal practitioners, judges, judgement-debtors and judgement-creditors equally, as to the legal intricacies involving appeals, how to effectively use the right to appeal and, how to enjoy the fruits of a judgement by preventing any legal complication from coming in the way. The article puts reference to the latest judgement by the Supreme Court in the case of Gandib Kafle v High Court of Patan and Others, where these legal complexities, which have existed over a long span of time, have been clarified. The case has thoroughly dealt with the concepts of judgements and appeals. Further, the case has dealt with concepts like power of attorney and agents (waris), and how they can impact a party’s right to appeal.

2. Of Judgements

A judgement is a final decision (written and signed) provided by a judicial body with regards to the disputes between the parties, after applying its judicial mind to the evidences produced before the court by the parties in dispute. Judgements serve justice to the parties in dispute, help in interpretation of legal provisions, and also contribute to develop important jurisprudence and practice. A judgement cannot be delivered without application of mind to all the evidences and documents presented before the court.[2] A judgement should be based on evaluation of evidences[3] and hearing of the parties. Along with the evaluation of evidences, a judge is supposed to analyse and explain the legal basis of their judgements.[4] Further, a judgement must not be partial in nature and should address all the issues raised before the court.[5] It must also address the arguments raised by both the parties, as a judgement cannot be provided simply by addressing the arguments raised by only one of the parties. A judgement will lack the elements of “complete” and “just” judgement if any bench fails to provide such elements in their judgements. However, it should also be noted that a judgement can exist even before entering into the substantial issues of a case. For instance, if a case ends at the question of jurisdiction itself, such judgements are valid judgements even if there is no application of mind to the substantial disputes or the evidences.

A judgement can simply be said to be a series of reasons that lead to a conclusion. Reasons are in turn based on application of mind to the evidences produced before the court. Reasoning forms an important feature of a judgement. This can also be understood from the fact that if there is a conflict between the “reason-section” (raya khanda) and the “decision-section” (tapasil khanda) of a judgement, the reason-section of the judgement shall prevail.[6] The “decision-section” of a judgement can simply be understood as the section where the final conclusion of the judgement is summarized. The decision-section also directs the parties with regards to their post-judgement actions and also directs the process for enforcement of the judgement. The decision-section is therefore a procedural part of the judgement.[7] Parties and enforcing bodies are supposed to act in compliance with the judgement,[8] and the decision-section directs them to do so. This paragraph highlights the substantial importance of reasoning in a judgement and the procedural importance of the decision-section in a judgement.

2.1 Indian Case Laws on Judgements

A judgement must have clarity as to the conclusion reached. For instance, as decided in the case of Pramina Devi v State of Jharkhand, there should be a clarity as to the exact relief that has been provided. In the case of Surendra Singh and Others v State of UP, it was decided that, “small irregularities in the manner of pronouncement or the mode of delivery do not matter but the substance of the thing must be there: that can neither be bluffed nor left to inference and conjecture nor can it be vague.” It was further decided that “ […] a judgment […] is the final decision of the court intimated to the parties and to the world at large by formal “pronouncement” or “delivery” in open court. It is a judicial act which must be performed in a judicial way.” The judgement further read,“it is evident that the decision which is so pronounced or intimated must be a declaration of the mind of the court as it is at the time of pronouncement[…]. It must be an expression of the mind of the court at the time of delivery. We say this because that is the first judicial act touching the judgment [i.e. application of mind] which the court performs after the hearing. Judges may, and often do, discuss the matter among themselves and reach a tentative conclusion. That is not their judgment. They may write and exchange drafts. Those are not the judgments either, however heavily and often they may have been signed. The final operative act is that which is formally declared in open court with the intention of making it the operative decision of the court. That is what constitutes the “judgment”.”

2.2 Indian Case Laws on Importance of Reasoning in a Judgement

A decision by a court does not merely arrive at conclusions, but also invites reasoning while arriving at conclusions. Section 354 (1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 (India) enlists what a judgement must contain. More specifically, Section 354 (1) (b) provides that a judgement “shall contain the point or points for determination, the decision thereon and the reasons for the decision”. The Supreme Court of India in the case of Ajay Singh and Others v State of Chhattisgarh and Another, decided that “A judgment, as has been always understood, is the expression of an opinion after due consideration of the facts which deserve to be determined.” While highlighting the importance of reasoning in a judgement, the court referred to Justice Chandrachud, in the case of State of Punjab and Others v Jagdev Singh Talwandi, where he had decided that, “it is desirable that the final order which the High Court intends to pass should not be announced until a reasoned judgment is ready for pronouncement […] If the object of passing such orders is to ensure speedy compliance with them, that object is more often defeated by the aggrieved party filing a special leave petition in this Court against the order passed by the High Court. That places this Court in a predicament because, without the benefit of the reasoning of the High Court, it is difficult for this Court to allow the bare order to be implemented. The result inevitably is that the operation of the order passed by the High Court has to be stayed pending delivery of the reasoned judgment.” Justice Chandrachud, noted that the practice of “unreasoned judgements” is “is not desirable and does not achieve any useful purpose”. This article will highlight the practical implication of reasoning (and any lack of it) upon the right to appeal (in Nepalese context).

When it comes to the importance of reasoning in a judgement, one can refer to the case of Prem Kaur v State of Punjab and Others, as decided by the Supreme Court of India. In this case, the trial court acquitted a father and a son after deciding that it would be unimaginable to think that a father and a son would rape a woman together. The High Court of Punjab and Haryana, affirmed such decision by the trial court. The Supreme Court of India, criticizing the trial court and the high court, decided that the allegations should be analysed based on the evidences on record. The Supreme Court in this case, found that a sound reasoning had not been made. The court made reference to Section 354 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 and clarified that pronouncing a final decision without sound reasoning would be invalid in law.

The case of Yaqub Abdul Razak Menon v. State of Maharashtra, as decided by the Supreme Court of India also highlights the importance of reasoning in a judgement. The court decided as follows:

  1. Reasons which cannot be supported by evidence cannot be considered as reasons.
  2. To constitute legal apprehension of evidence, the judgement should be such that it shows that the court has applied its mind to the evidences.
  3. Reasons and its factual accuracy shows that the court has applied its mind.
  4. If the statement of reasons is hollow pretention of baseless claim of application of mind, a “judgement” is robbed of one of its essential elements and forfeits its claim to be termed as a “judgement”.
  5. Every portion of the judgement must show application of mind to the evidences on record.
  6. A true judgement alone allows a higher court to analyse the correctness of the decision and allows a party to feel that court has provided an even-handed judgement.

(This section has highlighted the important elements of judgements and how reasoning forms a quintessential part of it.)

3. Of Appeals

It is well accepted that judgements are supposed to include sound reasoning and analysis, and are supposed to serve justice. Nevertheless, sometimes, courts can be in error in delivering a judgement, in their analysis of a laws or evidences, in the procedural steps, etc. It is for such reason that a safeguard has been provided in the form of a right to appeal. The right to appeal is an important right for a judgement debtor. For instance, during  the initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Supreme Court had, based on Article 20 (9) (Right to Fair Trial), Article 35 (Right to Health), Article 46 (Right to Constitutional Remedies under Article 133 or 144), Article 126 (Courts to Exercise Powers Relating to Justice), Article 128 (3) (Power of the Supreme Court to Supervise and give Necessary Directives), Article 133 (2) (Extraordinary Powers of the Supreme Court), Article 133 (3) (Power to Issue Writs) of the Constitution of Nepal, decided that during the period of the lockdown, the period of limitation to bring suits and appeals should be extended as seen to be appropriate, highlighting the importance of such a right.

In a judgement, a court is to mention the time period for appeal (myad dinu) in accordance with the respective applicable law.[9] Such a duty on the court cannot be said to be optional. However, even if a court fails to mention and notify a time period for appeal, the right to appeal still exists, as time period for appeal has been provided by the law itself.[10] Interestingly, there have been some instances where a lower court had tried to bar a party from appealing to a higher court. Such curtailment of a party’s right is not allowed, and goes against the principle of natural justice. A court can only direct a party to appeal and cannot bar them from appeal.

When an application for appeal is received, judicial mind should be applied to such applications.[11] When an application for appeal is denied the reasons for such denial (of an important right) must also be disclosed. Right to appeal cannot be disturbed because of the court’s mistakes. Such application cannot be rejected without reasonable grounds. This highlights that the courts have recognised the importance of the right to appeal. However, it should be noted that, the right is provided and managed by the law, and is a legal right rather than a fundamental right. While the importance of the right to appeal has been recognised in such a manner, Nepalese courts have historically failed to establish a reasonable jurisprudence with regards to appeal. (This has been discussed throughout the article.)

A court cannot overturn its own judgement even in case of a serious error[12] (except in cases of revision) and it is for this reason that appeal is important to do complete and correct justice. A judgement that is substantially erroneous in law, and goes against the basic principles of justice, accepted procedure, principles and customs, are liable to be quashed. However, a court cannot overturn its own judgement.[13] It can merely correct any clerical error in the judgement.[14] Judgements are supposed to serve justice. It is for this reason that a court can correct the clerical errors in its own judgement, and such corrections form an important part of the judgement. However, as already mentioned, corrections can only be made of clerical errors and not of substantial errors.[15] Only a higher court can apply its mind to a substantially erroneous judgement and correct it, for which an appeal needs to be filed. Therefore, “greater judgements” hold large importance. Appeal is a special, effective and frequently-used right undertaken to do right a wrong.[16] The provision for appeal has been provided so that a party can approach a higher court to seek its opinion as to the correctness of any judgement provided by a lower court.

Right to appeal, like any other legal right, must not be slept over negligently. Even if a judgement is not good in law, a person who sleeps over such a right cannot be helped by the courts. It is so because once a person fails to appeal the judgement to a higher court, it is assumed that the person is satisfied with the judgement, and has accepted the judgement by the lower court.[17] Further, if an agent (waris) of the party fails to file an appeal within the period of limitation, the consequences of such action falls on the shoulders of the principal themselves. However, in the case of Gandib Kafle (as has been discussed below), it has been clarified that the principal can however sue the agent for the loss caused by their failure to appeal. Therefore, upon failure to appeal, even the judgements that are bad in law, can be executed.[18] It is for this reason that a judgement debtor should be aware of their right to appeal and its importance.

However, where there are multiple judgement debtors and one of the judgement debtors appeals to a higher court, which reverses the decision of the lower court, such decision gets reversed in favour of other judgement debtors as well (depending on the circumstances of the case, taking into consideration the types of legal wrongs of the individual judgement debtors and its similarity with the wrong committed by the appealing-judgement-debtor), despite such judgement debtor not exercising their right to appeal.

(This section has highlighted the importance of right to appeal. It has highlighted how a decision that is bad in law can be executed if a party fails to exercise their right to appeal, within the period of limitation.)

4. Of Limitation Period and Finality of Judgements

The doctrine of limitation forms an important concept to realise effective and efficient justice.[19] The law has provided certain time period within which parties should file their suits and appeals. This article shall only deal with the limitation period with regards to appeals. Once an appeal is filed, there remains a possibility that a judgement by the lower court is overturned or changed. Therefore, if appeal is allowed, discarding any period of limitation, there would arise a risk where any judgement can be overturned at anytime. If any judgement can be overturned at anytime, there would be an uncertainty in justice, and it is for such reason that the period of limitation has been introduced. Uncertainty in judgements would create legal and social complexities and complexities in enforcement and effective realisation of the judgement, which can hamper the right of a judgement creditor. Finality of judgement is required to end such uncertainty, and period of limitation complies with such a requirement.[20] If the court is allowed to apply its mind to the evidences even after the period of limitation has passed, the provision establishing such period of limitation would be obsolete.[21]

When a judgement has not been appealed (within the limitation period) and has also not been quashed, such a judgement is considered as final and any subsequent decision to nullify the judgement is also prohibited, as under the doctrine of finality of judgement.[22] Raising the same question before the courts time and again would create unfavourable situations, which is prevented by the principle of finality of judgement.[23] Interestingly, one judgement notes that when a person approaches a court with an application for appeal, after the limitation period has passed, the person is said to have approached the court with unclean hands.[24]

According to Section 18 of the Administration of Justice Act, 2073 B.S., the decision/judgment of the courts are considered to be final unless there is a provision for appeal available under the statutory law and such appeal is made. This line of thought can also be seen in the decision of Supreme Court in the case of Kismat Bahadur Shrestha v Ukhada Tribunal, Bhairahawa while dealing withthe principle of finality of judgment. Approaching the court late, but within the prescribed time period, is not a ground to deny an application for appeal, as it would be within the limitation period. However, after the limitation period has passed, and an appeal is not made within such period, the judgement becomes final and the person is said to have slept over their right to appeal. A final judgement on a subject matter by a court is so concrete in law that it cannot be affected by any subsequent decisions made by any branch of the government, on the same subject matter.[25] Here, it would be pertinent to note that even subsequent amendments that extend the period of limitation would not help the judgement debtor if the period of limitation (before the amendment) has been slept over.[26] Such practices are prevalent to prevent any weakness in the principle of finality of judgement.

(This section has highlighted the importance of period of limitation to defeat any uncertainty in judgements and their enforcement. This section argues why the right to appeal should be subject to some limitations.)

5. When does the Limitation Period get Triggered?

The discussion above highlights how appeal and limitation period on it helps to realise justice. However, there has arisen a question in the Nepalese legal sector, which the law and the judiciary have frequently failed to answer correctly — “when does the limitation period get triggered?”

It was once decided that it is only from the date of final decision (antim nirnaya) that the period of limitation begins. However, such jurisprudence, which was largely in practice before, is erroneous. The conclusion that the limitation period begins from the date of the final decision might have arrived from the language used in the older provisions on appeal. (The old provision on appeal as under the Muluki Ain, 2020 has been discussed below. See, 6.4.1.4 of the article). The case of Gandib Kafle has clarified what the correct practice on appeal and limitation period should be.

It should be noted that the date of triggering of the limitation period should not be determined negligently as it would have an effect on an important right, that is the right to appeal. Therefore, the date of triggering of the limitation period should be determined taking into account the procedural stages (in the lower court) and their dates (so as to precisely calculate the limitation period), and taking into account the right of the person to appeal. Taking into account the right of the person to appeal, it would be reasonable to conclude that the limitation period for appeal should begin only after the judgement debtor has obtained knowledge of the judgement and its elements in such a manner that enables them to make an appeal effectively. (This matter has been further discussed below. See, Part 6.4.1. of the article.)

6. The case of Gandib Kafle and its Analysis

This section shall highlight the facts, the issues and the decisions reached by the Supreme Court in the case of Gandib Kafle. Then, the decisions shall be analysed simultaneously with the jurisprudence that has developed in Nepal pertaining to the issues which were before the Supreme Court in the said case.

6.1 Facts of the Case

The case concerned an issue of dishonour of cheque by the applicant. The applicant had filed a writ petition of habeas corpus under Article 46 and 133 (2) of the Constitution of Nepal, 2072. In this case, an application for appeal by the judgement debtor (Gandib Kafle) had been rejected by the joint-registrar of the Supreme Court on the ground that the limitation period had passed. The writ was filed against the act of execution of the judgement by the lower court while the application for appeal was still pending. In this course, the Supreme Court has clarified the issues surrounding the right to appeal. Here, it would be important to understand the timeline of the case, which has been mentioned below.

2076/06/05: Final decisions were pronounced by the Patan High Court. No final copy of the judgement was made or submitted to the accused or his lawyer on this date itself. The High Court decided a punishment of 10-year imprisonment and compensation of Rs. 31,71,800.

2076/07/05: The Patan High Court verified the full and final copy of the judgement.

2077/07/18: The lawyer of the applicant had, before the Patan High Court, signed and verified that they had taken a copy of the judgement.

2077/08/03: The applicant filed an application for appeal. The joint-registrar of the Supreme Court of Nepal rejected the application for appeal as filed by the applicant based on Section 128 of the National Civil Procedural Code, 2074 B.S. stating that the limitation period of 1 year as laid down in Section 134 (4) had passed. The joint-registrar decided that the limitation period was triggered on 2076/07/05 itself, as the lawyer was present during the proceedings in the court and on the date of verification of the judgement as well.

2077/08/14: The applicant filed an application before the Supreme Court of Nepal, as under Rule 10 of the Supreme Court Regulations, 2074 B.S., against the decision of rejection of the application for appeal given by the joint-registrar of the Supreme Court.

2078/12/08: The applicant, who had (allegedly) absconded imprisonment, was found and arrested, and presented before the Ramechhap District Court. Here, execution of the judgement as provided by the Patan High Court was done.

2078/12/09: The district court sent the applicant for imprisonment for 10 years, as was directed by the High Court of Patan.

6.2 Issues before the Court
  1. Is the decision pronounced on the date of final decision in a proceeding, a judgement?
  2. If an agent to the principal (party to the case) has signed the opinion-book (raya kitab) verifying that they have heard the final decisions, does it amount to knowledge of the judgement on the part of the principal such that it triggers the limitation period?
  3. When does the limitation period for appeal get triggered as under Section 134 of the National Criminal Procedural Code (CrPC)?
  4. Was the imprisonment of the applicant against the process established in law?
6.3 Clarification to the Appellate Mechanism in Gandib Kafle

Here, it would be pertinent to mention that, generally, appeal is allowed only once.[27] Two stages of appeal can only be allowed where, during the first appeal, there has been a substantial change from the original judgement[28], where the punishment (as provided by the High Court) is for imprisonment for more than 10 years,[29] or where the High Court has reversed, partially or fully, the judgements by the lower court which had provided imprisonment for more than 3 years, compensation worth more than Rs. 5 lakhs, or where the dispute was worth more than Rs. 25 Lakhs.[30] However, in Gandib Kafle, the first appeal itself was made to the Supreme Court. This is because in cases involving dishonour of cheque, the first jurisdiction lies with the High Court, and thus, the first appeal reached to the Supreme Court.[31]

6.4 Analysis of the Gandib Kafle case

Throughout this part, an analysis has been done of the current laws and the old Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S. and case laws based on the old Muluki Ain and the new procedural laws. (Therefore, any mix-up of the old and the new jurisprudence should be avoided by the reader.)

6.4.1 “Decisions” and “Judgements”

Section 134, CrPC deals with appeals and limitation period on it. The provision triggers the limitation period from the date of receipt of copy of the judgement or from one year from the date of the judgement itself, depending on the circumstances. It is for this reason that it is important to clear the confusion between a “judgement” (faisala) and a “final decision” (antim nirnaya). So as to differentiate between these terms, reference can be made to Section 131 of the CrPC, which deals with judgements and final decisions. These provisions have been summarised below.

6.4.1.1 Section 134, National Criminal Procedural Code, 2074 (CrPC)

Section 134 deals with appeals in criminal cases. Section 134 (1) provides that the time period for appeal starts from the day that the party becomes aware of the judgement. In case the Nepalese Government is involved, the period is for 70 days and in case it is not involved, the period for appeal is for 30 days, starting from the date that the party becomes aware of the judgement. A party can gain awareness of a judgement, once a copy of the judgement has been received by them. However, there are other methods through which a party can gain, or can be assumed to have gained knowledge of the judgement.

Section 134 (3) provides that if a lawyer or a legal representative (agent) (waris) is present before the court during the proceedings and the judgement is provided on the same day, it will be assumed that the party has acquired knowledge of the judgement on the same day. However, it should also be proved that the lawyer has submitted the copy of the judgement to the party so as to trigger the limitation period via this provision. Thus, in such cases, the limitation period gets triggered on the same date as the date of final decision, as the party has acquired the knowledge of the judgement.

Section 134 (4) provides that once a judgement has been written, it is automatically assumed that the party is aware of the judgement after one year from the date of the judgement (i.e. date of writing of the judgement). And thus, the limitation period gets triggered after one year automatically, even if the party has not received a copy of the judgement. This means that one year from the date of the judgement, it is presumed that the party has gained knowledge of the judgement. From that date, an appeal has to be filed within 30 or 70 days, according to the nature of the case, as discussed in Section 134 (1).

6.4.1.2 Section 131, National Criminal Procedural Code, 2074 (CrPC)

Section 131 (1) provides that from the date of completion of taking of evidences, the court should provide a judgement within 30 days from such completion. As per Section 131 (2), if a judgement cannot be provided within such time period, the court should make aware the appellate court of the reasons for such delay. (This provision also highlights the fact that the date of the judgement forms an important event from which the limitation period can be calculated. It is for this reason that the appellate court should be made aware of the delay.)

Section 131 (4) provides that when a complete written judgement has not been prepared by a judge, the judge can only pronounce the final decisions reached by them. This highlights the difference between a judgement and a final decision. A judgement is written and includes complete reasoning that helped the court to come to a conclusion. However, a final decision is simply a summary of the conclusions reached by the court.

Section 134 provides that the limitation period gets triggered once the person gains knowledge about the judgement. Therefore, putting reference to Section 131, the Supreme Court in the case of Gandib Kafle decided that, there is a difference between a judgement and a final decision, and that the limitation period gets triggered once the person gains knowledge of the judgement. Knowledge of the final decision is not enough to trigger the limitation period. Only after the party receives a copy of the judgement, can a party seek legal advice and effectively make an appeal, as the judgement contains reasoning and conclusions in the case. Therefore, the limitation period would trigger from the date of the judgement. Triggering the limitation period on the date of final decision would also violate the party’s right to appeal, which a court cannot do. A party cannot effectively make an appeal just by having knowledge of the decision, as a decision contains a mere summary of the conclusions in the case.

Section 131 (5) provides that where a judgement has not been prepared and only the final decision has been pronounced by the judge, the judge is duty bound to record a summary of the decision in the opinion book (raya kitab) and verify such record in the opinion book. The parties (or their representatives) in the case, also sign and verify that they have heard the pronouncement of the decision. Therefore, a party’s signing of the opinion book, verifying that the final decision has been heard, does not mean that the party is aware of the judgement itself, since the judgement has not yet come into existence. Such observation was made in the case of Gandib Kafle as well.

6.4.1.3 Decision by the Supreme Court in Gandib Kafle  

The Supreme Court in the case of Gandib Kafle analysed Sections 131 and 134, in the manner depicted above, and differentiated between judgements and final decisions. It was decided that the limitation period does not get triggered from the date of the final decision but gets triggered from the date of the judgement. The court noted that it is important to determine if merely a final decision has been pronounced or if a judgement has been made on a specific date. Final decisions cannot take place of a judgement and a mere summary cannot trigger the limitation period, as it cannot effectively establish a basis for a party to seek appeal or legal advice. Merely a party’s presence (on the date of pronouncement of the final decisions) and the fact that the lawyer has presented their argument on behalf of the party, is not enough to trigger the limitation period. Further, merely signing the opinion book by the party or their agent, accepting that the final decisions have been heard, does not trigger the limitation period. The court clarified that for the limitation period to get triggered from the date of the final decision itself, it is important that a copy of the judgement be provided to the party on the same day itself. The applicant cited the case of Rubina Singh Dangol v The Government of Nepal and Others, where it was laid down that if a copy of the judgement has not been provided to a party (on the same date as the date of the final decision), it cannot be said that the party is known about the judgement from the date of pronouncement of the final decisions. The Supreme Court agreed with the applicant’s argument.

However, the Supreme Court further observed that even if a copy of a judgement is provided to the party or their representatives, on the same day of the final decision, it cannot be said that the limitation period gets triggered. So as to trigger the limitation period as provided in 134 (3), it also becomes important for a court to mention that the party or their representatives have been provided with the copy of the judgement and have been notified about the limitation period (myad dinu). However, as already mentioned above (see, Part 3 of this article), a court’s failure to notify the party of the limitation period, does not impact the appeal mechanism as it is already an established mechanism in law. The Supreme Court in Gandib Kafle has missed this important clarification. Further, while the court has stated that a judgement (which is delivered on the same date as of the final decision) should state that a copy has been provided to the parties, such recommendation is not seen in practice.

The court has acknowledged that Section 131 (5) and Section 134 (3) can be mistakenly read to mean that the presence of a lawyer, the party or the agent, during the final decision triggers the limitation period. However, these provisions cannot be read in such a manner that it creates a conflict with other provisions. It is a well established jurisprudence that provisions should be read and interpreted harmoniously and not in a conflicting manner. Therefore, Sections 131 (4) and (5) cannot be read to be in conflict with Sections 134 (1), (3) and (4). The Supreme Court decided that provisions cannot always be read literally and should be read in such a manner that takes into account the party’s interest in justice and practical issues of law. It observed that the procedures in a legal suit forms a chain which impacts the other stages of the suit. Therefore, it becomes important to prevent any interpretation that breaks or weakens any part of the chain, as it can defeat the entire justice system.

(The difference between decisions and judgements should be kept in mind throughout the reading of this article.)

6.4.1.4 Additional Analysis

No. 193 and No. 197 of Part-2, Chapter-1 titled “Adalatiya Bandobasta”(literally translated into “Court Management”) of the former Muluki Ain, 2020 dealt with appeals. As under these provisions, the limitation period got triggered on the following dates, whichever was earlier[32]:

  1. When the party signs in the opinion book verifying that the final decision has been heard.
  2. When a notification is given regarding the limitation period for appeal (myad dinu).
  3. When the party receives a copy of the judgement.
  4. When the party pays the compensation amount (to the state).

There were multiple dates from which the limitation period could get triggered. Late Justice Bharatraj Upreti had suggested that it is important to mention the correct date of oral delivery of final decisions and the date of signing of the judgement.[33] Such dates formed an important element to determine if the party has approached the court within the prescribed limitation period. However, the date of triggering of the limitation period under the Muluki Ain, 2020 was not based on sound reasons.

After studying the decision in Gandib Kafle, it should be concluded that such practice (of determining the limitation periods based on various dates (whichever was earlier)) as under the old Muluki Ain was erroneous and harmed an individual’s right to appeal. The limitation period for appeal should not be triggered from any date, and should be triggered from such a date when a party gains knowledge of the judgement in such a manner that enables them to effectively make an appeal.

As under the old Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S., in case a party (or their agent) has signed in the opinion-book of the court, verifying that the decision has been heard, the limitation period for appeal got triggered from that date of signing.[34] However, the Supreme Court in a decision, had calculated the limitation period from the date of copying of the judgement. However, the judgement was not based on the Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S., but was based on Rule 26 of the District Court Regulations, 2034 B.S., which triggered the limitation period from the date of taking of the copy of the judgement. In the case of Ram Chandra Thapaliya v Home Ministry (His Majesty’s Government) and Others, the court decided that the limitation period got triggered from the date of taking of copy of the judgement. However, in this case, the limitation period got triggered from the date of taking of the copy of the judgement as the applicant was not provided with a notification of the decision of imprisonment. If such notice of imprisonment had been provided, the time period would have started from such date of serving notification of imprisonment. In this case, the court had dealt with Police Regulation, 2033, which provided that the limitation period would trigger from the date of notice of imprisonment. These judgements did not deal with the appeal provisions under the Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S.

The Supreme Court had also observed that the question as to whether there has been a judgement or an order by the lower court is an important question while determining the right to appeal. The Supreme Court at this instance correctly decided that an appeal cannot be made from an order by the lower court and that since a judgement was provided by the lower court (in that case), an appeal can be made. However, this judgement did not state that the limitation period gets triggered from the date of gaining of knowledge of the judgement. Further, the court was not required to differentiate between a judgement and a decision and was only required to differentiate between an order and a judgement. Additionally, the judgement was not based on the Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S. Therefore, the erroneous jurisprudence provided in No. 193 (and other provisions of appeal under various acts) were not corrected by the judiciary.

In one of the cases, it was decided that if a judgement debtor has paid their compensation (to the state), the period of limitation commences from that time period itself (even if a copy of the judgement has not been received) as the judgement debtor could be certainly said to be aware of the judgement once they had complied with it.[35] However, after understanding the reasoning in Gandib Kafle, which highlights the importance of taking of a copy of the judgement, such jurisprudence of triggering the limitation period even before the taking of a copy of the judgement can be said to be flawed. It should be noted that receipt of a copy of the judgement is important to effectively file an appeal, and therefore, payment of fine (based on pronouncement of final decisions) does not signify that the party is aware of the judgement. Neither does it signify that the party is satisfied with the judgement or that they have no interest in appeal. Further, it should be noted that so as to make an appeal, the compensation (towards the state) as decided by the lower court should be paid first.[36] The term “compensation” as used in this paragraph means “compensation towards the state” and not “compensation towards the opponent party”. If compensation is paid towards the opponent party (in civil cases), it is assumed that the party (judgement debtor) is satisfied with the judgement and has given up their right to appeal.

While the practice by the Supreme Court (when it came to appeal) was erroneous in law, the Supreme Court had however, correctly observed that whether the judgement debtor is aware of the judgement or not, depends on the facts and circumstances surrounding the case, and is not determined according to the convenience of the party.[37] A period of limitation is specified in the law and should not be interpreted to favour one party, as it can hamper the right of the other party. Such jurisprudence is correct and is still a sound law.

In a judgement, it was observed by the court that hearing the pronouncement of a final decision, or receipt of notice for appeal, amounts to a complete knowledge of the case on the part of the party, just like in the case of receipt of a full judgement (purna paath) by that party, thus triggering the limitation period from the date of pronouncement of the final decision. This judgement is erroneous in law. (However, the court had used the term “hearing of the judgement” instead of the term “hearing of the final decisions”.) Here, it would be pertinent to note that in many judgements we can find that the courts have erroneously used the term “decision” and “judgement” interchangeably.

As under the old Muluki Ain 2020 B.S., in case of absence of a party during the pronouncement of a final decision, the period of limitation for appeal began from the time when the person is delivered a notice (myad dinu) regarding the time period and place of appeal.[38] The same practice can be observed in today’s practice as well. The court can send a notice notifying the party about the limitation period and this triggers the limitation period. Such a practice is a sound practice in law. It is so because, once a notice regarding an appeal has been given, the party themselves should get access to the full text of the judgement and enable themselves to make an effective appeal. Notification for appeal is sent only after the judgement has come into existence, as the courts will have an obligation to provide the person with a copy of the judgement, once they appear to the court to receive a copy of the judgement, after receiving a notification for appeal. However, as already dealt in Part 3 of this article, a failure of a court to notify about the appeal (myad dinu) does not impact the limitation period as provided by the law.

6.4.1.5. More on “Judgements” and “Decisions”: Reference to Indian Case Laws

The Supreme Court of India, in Ajay Singh and Others v State of Chhattisgarh and Another decided that, “without pronouncement of a judgment in the open court, signed and dated, it is difficult to treat it as a judgment […]. […] If the judgment is not complete and signed, it cannot be a judgment in terms of Section 353 CrPC. It is unimaginable that a judgment is pronounced without there being a judgment. It is gross illegality.”

Section 353 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 (India) discusses the process of pronouncement of a judgement. The provision provides that a judgement can be pronounced in three ways.

(a) by delivering the whole of the judgment; or

(b) by reading out the whole of the judgment; or

(c) by reading out the operative part of the judgment and explaining the substance of the judgment in a language which is understood by the accused or his pleader.

The case of Jitender Alias Kalle v State (Delhi High Court) has clarified the language of Section 353. It was decided that “reading out” as provided in clauses (a) and (b) can only be done of a judgment that is already written. However, “delivery of a judgement” relates to a verbal delivery and does not mean announcement of a written judgement, else, Section 353 (2) would be redundant. As under Section 353 (2), when a judgement is “delivered”, the presiding officer (judge) is supposed to record the delivery in short hand and sign the transcript on every page. However, such short-hand cannot trigger the limitation period, as Section 12 (2) of the Limitation Act, 1963 (India) provides that the limitation period for appeal only begins once the party has received a copy of the judgement or orders.

In the Nepalese practice as well, a verbal delivery of a final decision and recording of its summary in short-hand by the presiding judge, can be observed. While in Indian practice, it is said to be a “delivery of a judgement”, the judgement in Gandib Kafle has used the term “summary of the decision” instead of terming it as a “judgement”. However, it should be noted that in some cases of urgency such summary can be executed (as if it is a judgment), as the decision reached by the court has already been provided in the summary.

In the case of Surendra Singh and Others v State of UP, as decided by the Supreme Court of India, a judge who had heard the case had dictated and signed the dictation. However, the judgement was not pronounced by him as he passed away (on 24th December, 1952) before the pronouncement of the judgement (on 5th January, 1953). The other judge of the division bench (at the High Court) had signed and pronounced the judgement on 5th January, 1953. The question before the Supreme Court was whether a valid judgement has been pronounced. Here, the Supreme Court decided that between the dictation and pronouncement of the judgement any judge has the right to change their mind. The Supreme Court decided that “There is a sort of locus paniteniea, and indeed last minute alterations sometimes do occur. Therefore, however, much a draft judgment may have been signed beforehand, it is nothing but a draft till formally delivered as the judgment of the court. Only then does it crystallise into a full fledged judgment and become operative. It follows that the Judge who “delivers” the judgment, or causes it to be delivered by a brother Judge, must be in existence as a member of the court at the moment of delivery so that he can, if necessary, stop delivery and say that he has changed his mind.” Therefore, judgement is a final draft of the final decision reached by a court (signed and dated), without leaving any scope for the judge to change their mind. If there is scope for a judge to change their mind, then there has only been made a decision and not a judgement.

In Nepalese context, it is true that a judgement is the final-most draft of the decision reached by the court. However, a Nepalese judge, unlike as observed in Surendra Singh, does not have a right to change their mind till the very last moment. A judge cannot change their mind after recording a summary of the judgement in the opinion book. An opinion book, maintained by a court, is the source of a judgement. An opinion book is a book where summary of a judgement is written after the judge hears the parties in dispute. Full text of the judgement is prepared by taking the opinion book into reference. Once an opinion of a judge has been recorded in the opinion book, the full text of the judgement cannot go against such record in the opinion book.[39]

The Indian case laws brings more clarity as to the difference between a judgement and a decision. However, it should be noted, as discussed in this part of the article itself, that there remains some difference in the Indian and the Nepalese practice.

6.4.2 Caution

Now we know that the limitation period for appeal starts from the date of knowledge of the judgement, which can take place either by taking of a copy of the judgement or such knowledge is deemed on the part of the judgement debtor automatically after 1 year of the judgement in criminal cases, and 6 months in case of civil cases.[40]

However, the court should remain cautious to the practice of judgement debtors who can argue that they received a copy of the judgement (and knowledge as to the judgement thereof) only after the period of limitation had passed or after the actual knowing of the judgement, so as to extend the limitation period for appeal.[41] It cannot be said that the limitation period gets triggered only if the party receives a copy of the judgement. If such a rule was a strict requirement to trigger the limitation period, a party can misuse such interpretation and internationally refrain from taking a copy of the judgement, thus preventing the limitation period from getting triggered.[42] Such practice can impact the execution of a judgement (as appeal prevents execution of a judgement given by the lower court), and can invite uncertainty as well (as a decision can be reversed at anytime). (See, Part 4 of the article.)

The Supreme Court in Gadib Kafle was also cautious of such misuse. It is for such reason that Section 134 (4) has been included, which provides that after 1 year from the date of the judgement, it is automatically assumed that the person is aware of the judgement (even if a copy of judgement has not been received by the party) and the limitation period as provided in 134 (1) starts from such date (i.e. the date after 1 year of the judgement).

Judgement debtors themselves should be aware about their period of limitation to bring suits and appeals.[43] Once a person has filed a suit, they themselves should be curious enough to receive the copy of the judgement and therefore, the period of 1 year (after which knowledge of the judgement is presumed) as has been provided in Section 134 (4), is reasonable in law. Further, judgements are public documents which a party can access easily. Therefore, so as to prevent any misuse, provision like Section 134 (4) is important, which automatically assumes knowledge on the part of the judgement debtor after 1 year. (With regards to civil cases, see Part 6.4.6 of the article).

In the case of Gandib Kafle, the joint-registrar had erroneously interpreted Section 134 (4) to mean that the appeal should have been brought within 1 year of the judgement. The provision, however, clearly reads that knowledge of the judgement will be assumed after 1 year of the judgement and an appeal should be filed within 30 to 70 days (depending on the nature of the case) from that date of assumption of knowledge of the judgement.

In the case of Chali Lamini v Asta Bahadur Tamang and Others, it was decided that just because an application to receive a copy of the judgement has been provided, it cannot be said that the person has knowledge of the judgement. Such knowledge on the part of the party can only be assumed if the copy of the judgement has been provided. In a latter case of Siyaram Mahato v Pavitra Narayan Mahato, it was argued that knowledge of the judgement can only arise after a copy of the judgement has been provided and not when the application requesting for a copy is made, citing the case of Chali Lamini. However, the Supreme Court decided that the facts in these cases were different. In Siyaram, the party hid the fact that an application requesting for a copy of the judgement had already been made. Later, the party received the copy of the judgement via another application and argued that the limitation period began from that date of receipt of the judgement (received via the second application). However, the Supreme Court decided that the limitation period got triggered from the first date of application itself (where he had received a copy of the judgement as well). This case highlights what the judgement in Gandib Kafle has cautioned about – a party arguing that they received knowledge of the judgement on a latter date, with the intent to extend the limitation period. A court should remain cautious to such practices.

6.4.3. Of Agents (Waris)

It is not always possible for a party to attend a court proceeding themselves. Therefore, they can appoint someone as an agent (waris) to represent them in the case. Such an agent can be the lawyer as well. When a suit is being filed, the contract establishing a principal-agent relationship (warisnama) should be submitted as well, if an agent is to be hired.[44] Needless to say, a legally incompetent agent cannot make any representation on behalf of the principal. Further, the principal-agent relationship must be valid.[45] Keeping an agent in a case is equivalent to the party themselves being present before the court. An agent’s act is equivalent to an act undertaken by the party. An agent’s loss or a win in the case is equivalent to a principal’s loss or a win.

In civil cases, the parties cannot be compelled to appear before the court themselves. They cannot be barred from appointing an agent to appear on their behalf.[46] The right to keep an agent can however be curtailed if there is a reasonable ground to do so, even in civil cases.[47] If any such bar is put upon the parties, they should seek legal remedy, failing which, and in case of absence of the parties in the proceedings, the parties cannot later claim that they were not heard.[48]

In criminal cases, an agent can be kept only if the court allows the party to do so.[49] Therefore, in civil cases, keeping an agent on the behalf of the party is a matter of right, while as in criminal cases, it is a matter of discretion on the court. Therefore, even after a security has been provided to the court (for bail), it is the court’s discretion whether to allow the person to send an agent on their behalf.[50] In criminal cases, since the person is, generally, already in custody and thus, available to come to the court, such agency is not allowed. This can be understood from a case where it was decided that if a person is punished (imprisoned) for a criminal wrong, the person is not allowed to keep an agent.[51] Nevertheless, if the person is not in custody, the person can apply to the court to allow an agent to appear on their behalf.[52] Further, a judgement debtor, who has been directed to imprisonment, when goes for an appeal, can put a request before the high court to allow to keep an agent on their behalf, as they are not yet imprisoned.

Where a party is not allowed by the court to get themselves an agent, and the party fails to be present before the court themselves, the party’s lawyer cannot represent the client’s case, as under Section 22 of the Nepal Bar Council Act, 2050 B.S., as there is no presence of a party (or an agent) to whom the court can provide legal remedy to.[53] Further, as under Section 22 (1), a lawyer is only allowed to present their client’s case before a court. Section 22 (1) does not provide the lawyer with the right to act as an agent. Such provision cannot be interpreted widely to defeat the law established under no. 65 and no. 66 of Part-2, Chapter-1 titled “Adalatiya Bandobasta”(literally translated into “Court Management”) of the former Muluki Ain, 2020 (which dealt with hiring of agents on behalf of a party)  to mean that even in absence of the party (after the court denies their request to hire an agent), a lawyer can act as an agent to the party.[54] Currently, the provision dealing with agents has been provided in Section 144 of the National Civil Procedural Code, 2074. A lawyer cannot be considered to act as an agent (waris) without being hired in the manner provided in this provision by extending the scope of Section 22 (1) of the Nepal Bar Council Act, 2050 B.S. In other words, Section 22 (1) of the Nepal Bar Council Act, 2050 B.S. cannot defeat the requirement to hire an agent in compliance with Section 144 of the National Civil Procedural Code, 2074 or no. 65 of Adalatiya Bandobasta of the Muluki Ain, 2020.

6.4.3.1. An Agent’s hearing of a Final Decision

Currently, a contract establishing the principal-agent relationship (warisnama) only survives till the date of the judgement. After such period, the relationship ends automatically. Once a principal-agent relationship comes to an end, the agent cannot act on behalf of the principal. Further, even during the existence of the contract, any act that is barred by the contract, cannot be performed by the agent.

Unlike in the current practice, where the principal-agent relationship comes to an end with the judgement, under no. 65 (3) of Part-2, Chapter-1 titled “Adalatiya Bandobasta”(literally translated into “Court Management”) of the former Muluki Ain(National Code), it was provided that an agent could represent a principal at all stages of the suit but a principal themselves had to come and know about the win or loss in the case, which an agent was prohibited to do. Therefore, the principal-agent relationship ended earlier than at the date of the judgement (as win or loss can be determined at the stage of final decision itself).

The case of Nirmal Kumar Basnet v Appelate Court Patan and Others provided that once an agent hears the final decision and signs in the opinion book of the court, the limitation period for appeal for that judgement is said to have been triggered from that date of signing itself, as no. 65 and no. 193 were interpreted in such a manner that singing of the opinion book by an agent was construed to mean signing of the opinion book on the part of the principal, which triggered the limitation period.[55]

However, the Supreme Court had, prior to this judgement, previously provided a judgement in the case of Nepal Telecommunications v  High Court of Rajbiraj,[56] where it had been decided that even if an agent signs in the opinion book agreeing that they have heard the judgement, the period of limitation for appeal does not get triggered. The court reasoned that under no. 65 (3), the party themselves had to come and know of the decision of the case. Therefore, an agent’s signing of the opinion-book was said not to be on behalf of the party. Here, the court has focused on a part of no. 65 (3), which stated that the party themselves should be present and know about their win or loss in the case. Nevertheless, the practice and the latter jurisprudence shows that an agent’s signing of the opinion book, verifying that the decision has been heard, triggered the limitation period for the party, as under the Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S.

In the case of Puti Sherpa, it was decided that, hearing of final decisions is an important aspect of a case and it is for such reason that an agent should be allowed to hear the final decisions of a case on behalf of the party. The court decided that no. 65 (3) provided that the principal-agent relationship survives till the case it disposed off. A case is disposed off, when a decision has been made and hearing of the decision is an important and inseparable aspect of it. A decision cannot be said to be concluded unless the decision is heard. An agent, generally, verifies in the opinion book that the final decision has been heard by them, immediately after the decision or on the date of the said decision. Such hearing of the decision was decided to be binding on the principal.[57] Here, the court has focused on the part of no. 65, which provided that an agent’s loss or a win is a principal’s loss or a win, rather than focusing on the part where it has been stated that the principal themselves should appear and know about the result of the case. In the same case, it was decided that such hearing of the final decision by an agent is also important to trigger the limitation period for appeal (as was the prevailing practice then[58]). However, in the same judgement itself, the court has ironically (not consciously) highlighted the reason why such document accepting hearing of final decision by an agent should not trigger the limitation period. The judgement states that the opinion book only states the result of a suit. Summary of the reasons leading to such decision might also be included but all the reasons are not disclosed (as disclosed in the copy of the judgement itself) in the opinion book. The same has been mentioned in the National Civil Procedural Code, 2074 B.S. as well.[59] A full disclosure of the reasons and legal analysis is required to enable a judgement-debtor to effectively make an appeal. Such enablement cannot be made by a document where mere result of the dispute and summary of reasons are disclosed. Therefore, a copy of the judgement, where full disclosure has been made, when received by the party, should trigger the limitation period, as has already been discussed above as well (see, part 6.4.1.3. of this article).

The case of Puti Sherpa has distinguished further between the case of Mundrikadevi and the case of Nirmal Kumar Basnet. In the case of Mundrikadevi, it had been decided that once a final decision has been heard, the principal-agent relationship comes to an end and the agent’s receipt of a copy of the judgement (after the relationship has ended) does not trigger the limitation period for the principal. The agent’s taking of a copy of judgement cannot be equated to mean that the principal has taken a copy of the judgement. The court in Puti Sherpa correctly stated that an agent cannot go beyond the scope of the principal-agent relationship, which, as under no. 65 only survives till the time of the final decision. (An agent’s taking of a copy of the judgement has been further discussed below. See, part 6.4.3.2.)

In the case of Nirmal Kumar Basnet on the other hand, it was decided that an agent’s hearing of a final decision, is equivalent to a principal’s hearing of a final decision. The court in Puti Sherpa, decided that these two judgements are not in conflict as the facts are different. The court is correct in coming to this conclusion. Mundrikadevi deals with taking of a copy of the judgement, while Nirmal Kumar Basnet deals with hearing of the final decision of the court. The court decided that an agent can hear a final decision and sign the opinion-book on the behalf of the principal but an agent cannot take a copy of a judgement on behalf of a principal as the principal-agent relationship would have already ended. Therefore, an agent’s taking of a copy of the judgement did not trigger the limitation period but their signing of the opinion book verifying that a judgement has been heard, did. 

Similarly, the limitation period does not get triggered if the court has directed the agent to appeal after the relationship has ended. The court in Puti Sherpa made a legally correct analysis of the two judgements. However, the court is incorrect in concluding that the limitation period gets triggered after the agent hears the final decision (as a judgement has not yet been provided.) The Supreme Court was again unable to correct the legal shortcoming under the Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S. with regards to the triggering of the limitation period.

In case of an agent signing the opinion book verifying that the agent has heard the final decision, the limitation period should not get triggered despite the principal-agent relationship existing at that time, because, the opinion book does not contain complete reasons that helped in reaching to the conclusion. Such incomplete document cannot enable a judgement-debtor to effectively make an appeal. In case of an agent receiving a copy of the judgement, the limitation period is not triggered, as such receipt of the judgement is done after the principal-agent relationship would have already ended (except in circumstances where the principal-agent relationship allows for continuance of such relationship even after the judgement has been delivered. For example, in case of existence of adhikrit warisnama between the principal and the agent.) (See, Part 6.4.3.2 of this article where adhikrit warisnama has been discussed).

While the case of Puti Sharma shows (the prior jurisprudence) that an agent’s signing of the opinion book, verifying that a judgement has been heard, triggers the limitation period. The author disagrees with the interpretation of no. 65 (3) as was done by the court in this case. The court only focused on the fact that the decision and hearing of a decision is an important aspect of a case. The court focused on how an agent’s win or loss is a principal’s win or a loss, and thus such win or loss should be communicated to the agent on behalf of the principal. The author agrees with the case of Nepal Telecommunications v High Court of Rajbiraj, where the court focused on the part of no. 65 (3), which provided that the principal themselves should come and know about the result of the case. Therefore, the principal (as under no. 65 (3)) intends to know about the win or loss himself and not through the agent. Win or loss in a case can be known at the stage of final decision itself and thus, in my opinion, the principal-agent relationship should end at the stage immediately before the pronouncement of the final decision. Therefore, signing of the opinion book by the agent verifying that the decision has been heard, should not be in a representative capacity to the principal, as the principal-agent relationship would have already ended. Under such interpretation, even if a principal could have absconded such hearing of the result, the court could have sent a notice to the principal about the limitation period, which could have prevented any “late appeals”, as the notice would have triggered the limitation period. (See, part 6.4.1.4 of the article). However, under the old Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S., the judgement in Nepal Telecommunications v High Court of Rajbiraj was not followed and the judgement in Puti Sherpa was followed.

The Supreme Court in Gandib Kafle (dealing with the current jurisprudence) decided that the limitation period does not get triggered simply because the party or their lawyer was present during the arguments. It also does not get triggered simply because the party or their agents had signed the opinion book, as only a summary is provided in the opinion book, which does not effectively allow a party to make an appeal. The Supreme Court also noted the practice where a principal can file for an appeal even after the time period for appeal had been passed by the agent, stating that such right to appeal was not provided to the agent. Therefore, while in the past, the agent’s signing of the opinion book triggered the limitation period, currently, it does not.

6.4.3.2. An Agent’s Receipt of Copy of Judgements

An agent can only represent the principal while the principal-agent relationship is in existence. Currently, such relationships, generally, cease to exist when a judgement is provided. Once the judgement has been provided, a new agent-principal relationship is required at the stage of appeal as the earlier principal-agent relationship ceases to exist.[60] Once a case has been disposed off, an agent cannot be provided with the copy of the judgement (in representative capacity to the principal).[61] An agent’s taking of a copy of a judgement does not trigger the limitation period.[62] For an agent to take a copy of the judgement on behalf of the principal, the principal must authorise such an action,[63] or the judgement should have been provided on the same date of final decision.[64]

However, there exists a special type of a court-approved contract establishing a principle-agent relationship (known as adhikrit warisnama[65]). In such cases, since the principle-agent relationship can exist even after the date of the judgement, the agent’s taking of a copy of the judgement amounts to the principal’s taking of a copy of the judgement. In such cases, an agent’s taking of a copy of the judgement also extends to mean knowledge on the part of the principal.

6.4.4. Power of Attorney (Wakalatnama)

6.4.4.1. Decision in Gandib Kafle

The Supreme Court in Gadib Kafle noted that the relationship between a lawyer and a client is contractual in nature, citing the case of Gaurishankar Shah.[66] Such contract ends with the judgement. Therefore, even if a lawyer receives a copy of the judgement, it does not mean that the judgement is received in a representative capacity to the client.

6.4.4.2. Additional Analysis

A lawyer cannot represent their client’s case without receiving a valid power of attorney from the client. So as to represent a principal, as an agent, a contract establishing a principal-agent relationship is a must.[67] Power of attorney ends when a judgement is delivered and thus, a lawyer’s obligation towards their client ends when the power of attorney ends. A lawyer cannot go beyond the power of attorney provided to them. Since the power of attorney does not survive after a judgement has been delivered, a mere receipt of copy of judgement by a lawyer does not mean that the client is aware as to the judgement and its elements. Therefore, it cannot be said that the period of limitation with regards to appeal starts from the date of the lawyer’s knowledge of the judgement when the principal-agent relationship between the lawyer and the client has already ended. The limitation period only starts when the client themselves is aware of such judgement. Even if a lawyer makes a communication of the judgement to their client, such a communication does not establish knowledge on the part of the client, since the power of attorney (principal-agent) relationship would have already ended. However, if the judgement is provided to a lawyer on the same date of the final decision, the limitation period gets triggered.[68]

It is true that once the power of attorney (wakalatnama) ends, the lawyer cannot take a copy of a judgement on behalf of their client. Since judgements are public documents, a lawyer can receive a copy of the judgement for themselves, but not on behalf of the client. However, if the lawyer is provided with an adhikrit warisnama, the lawyer’s taking of the copy of the judgement triggers the limitation period for the party (as discussed above in the case of an agent’s taking of a copy of a judgement on behalf of a party. See, part 6.4.3.2. of the article.) Here, it should be noted that the contract providing for power of attorney (walakatnama) always come to an end with judgement and thus the right to receive a copy of the judgement in a representative capacity cannot be provided to the lawyer via the wakalatnama. It can only be provided to the lawyer if the lawyer is made an agent (waris) via an adhikrit warisnama.

(The readers should note the difference between a warisnama and a wakalatnama. While both are contracts that establish a principal-agent relationship, wakalatnama is provided to an advocate allowing them to perform their “lawyer-duties”, while as warisnama can be provided to any person (which can be the advocate as well), who can appear before the court on the party’s behalf but will only be allowed to perform “party-duties” and not “lawyer-duties”. An advocate with both warisnama and wakalatnama can perform both the kinds of duties.)

6.4.5. Execution of Judgements

6.4.5.1. Decision in Gandib Kafle

The Supreme Court in Gandib Kafle decided that since the present case against the joint registrar’s refusal to accept the application for appeal was sub-judice before the Supreme Court, the judgement by the Patan High Court should not have been executed. Such a rule against the execution of a judgement by a lower court, when an appeal is pending before a higher court, has been laid down in Section 153(1) of the CrPC. Therefore, the execution of the judgement provided by the High Court was decided to be bad in law. Therefore, the Supreme Court allowed the writ of habeas corpus in favour of the applicant. The Supreme Court rejected the argument that the imprisonment (i.e. execution of the judgement) was done in compliance with the law.

6.4.5.2. Additional Analysis

A final judgement is executable between the parties as a law.[69] However, a judgement cannot be said to be final while an application for appeal or appeal itself is pending. A judgement by a lower court cannot be executed when an application for appeal is pending, when application for appeal has been allowed and where the application has been rejected but a suit has been filed against such rejection and the suit is sub-judice.[70] The applicant in Gandib Kafle had argued that when an appeal is made, there is a possibility of reversal of the judgement given by the lower court. Therefore, it would be unimaginable in law to allow an execution of a judgement by a lower court, during the pendency of the appeal. It is for the same reason that the court found that the imprisonment of the applicant (in accordance with the judgement by the lower court), while an appeal was pending, had violated the law. It was submitted that since the application for appeal was sub-judice before the Supreme Court, it could not be said that the judgement by the High Court was final and executable.

Despite the case being sub-judice before the Supreme Court, the decision by the Patan High Court was executed and the applicant was arrested, thus violating Section 153 of the CrPC, 2074 and Section 9 (1) of the Administration of Justice Act, 2073 and the principle of extended jurisdiction was observed. The Supreme Court in Gandib Kafle decided that if an application for appeal has been denied but a suit has been flied against such a decision, the judgement by the lower court cannot be executed. The court, based on the fact that the application issue was still sub-judice, rejected the defendant’s argument that once an application for appeal has been denied, the judgement can be executed. The applicant had submitted (before the Supreme Court) that the arrest of the applicant, while the appeal proceedings were sub-judice amounted to a violation of Article 16, 17 (2), 18 (1) and 20 (9) of the constitution, which the court has accepted (however, not explicitly).

It should be noted that even the government cannot legally make a decision such that it impacts a case that is sub-judice before a court.[71] Further, while an appeal is sub-judice, another appeal cannot be filed on the same matter as it would violate the principle of natural justice. Therefore, a pending appeal puts a bar on additional appeals (on the same subject matter), execution of a judgement by the lower court on the same subject matter and between the same parties, and decisions by the government that impacts such appeals (or any sub-judice matter).

6.4.6.  National Civil Procedural Code, 2074 B.S.

The case of Gandib Kafle has dealt with the provision of appeal as provided under the CrPC. However, the jurisprudence of triggering the limitation period as discussed in Gandib Kafle, can also be extended to the National Civil Procedural Code, 2074 B.S., which deals with civil cases. However, after understanding the case of Gandib Kafle, the wording of Section 205 of the National Civil Procedural Code, 2074 B.S., which deal with appeals and limitation period on it, can be said to be a bit confusing.

Section 205 (1) provides that an appeal should be made within 30 days from the date of gaining knowledge of the judgement (faisala thaha payeko miti). Section 205 (2) provides that where the party or the agent was present, the limitation period (of 30 days) begins from the date of hearing of the judgement (faisala suni payeko miti), and where the party was not present, the limitation period (of 30 days), begins from the date of issuance of notice regarding the judgement. The first part of Section 205 (2) has been drafted on the presumption that the judgement has been made on the same date as of the final decision. Therefore, the use of “date of hearing of the judgement” (faisala suni payeko miti) in Section 205 (2), actually means “date of knowledge of the judgement” (faisala thaha payeko miti). Section 205 (3) provides (and clarifies) that if a judgement is made on the date of the final decision itself, in presence of the party or their agent, it will be assumed that the party has gained knowledge of the judgement as under Section 205 (1).

 Section 205 (4) provides that knowledge of the judgement on the part of the party is automatically presumed after 6 months from the date of verification of a judgement. And thus, the party is supposed to make and appeal within 6 months and 30 days. A clarification as under Section 205 provides that the date of knowing of the judgement should be calculated from the date of verification of the judgement by the judge.

A simple conclusion can be that the limitation period gets triggered from the date of knowledge of the judgement and in case of Section 205 (4), the time period of 6 months is calculated from the date of verification of the judgement. After 6 months, knowledge of the judgement is automatically presumed.

7. Conclusion

The case of Gandib Kafle has clarified the instances that trigger the limitation period for appeal. Further, it has clarified various aspects that need to be noted with regards to appeal such that an party’s right to appeal is not impacted negatively. While the case dealt with a criminal offence, the jurisprudence developed is also applicable to civil wrongs. The article has extended the case of Gandib Kafle to thoroughly discuss the concepts like judgements, decisions, appeals, limitation period, finality of judgement, etc. The jurisprudence highlighted in this article entails important practical concepts for judges and lawyers to understand. The article has also highlighted the jurisprudence that has historically existed, and the current jurisprudence with regards to civil cases as well. While these concepts like judgements, decisions and appeals seem to be simpler concepts of law, improper interpretations of such concepts can cause mischief in the justice mechanism, as has been highlighted by Gandib Kafle. The improper practice in law, with regards to appeal, as has historically existed, have acted as an impediment in seeking “greater judgements”. It is for such reasons that the article has also discussed the role of an agent and of a lawyer when it comes to triggering of the limitation period for appeal, with the intent to clarify all the confusions surrounding appeals. It is for this reason that the clarifications provided in Gandib Kafle and this article, albeit addressing such simple concepts of law, entail a great importance in the justice mechanism.

[Clarification: The article has used the term “judgment debtors” and “judgement creditors” so as to avoid any confusion and for the sake of simplicity in the article. However, it should be noted that it is not just judgement debtors who can file an appeal. Any party that is not satisfied with the judgement can file an appeal, as can be understood from Section 205 (1) of the National Civil Procedural Code, 2074 B.S. and Section 134 of the CrPC, 2074 B.S. Such unsatisfied party, can be a judgement creditor as well.]

*Divas Bashyal is a B.B.M/LL.B. Graduate from Kathmandu University School of Law, Dhulikhel, Nepal. He has been assisted by Sankalpa Koirala for the purpose of this article.

(This article has been prepared for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. The information contained is not intended to create a lawyer-client relationship. The views expressed in the article does not reflect the the official position of the institutions to which the authors are affiliated. Readers should not act upon this without seeking advice from professional advisers.)


[1] National Criminal Procedural Code 2074, s 114.

[2] Khalasta Bahadur Dahal v Department of Land Revenue, SC Bulletin, Year 3, Part 7, Volume 49, Page 11; Baijanath Raut Kurmi v Nandalal Raut Kurmi and Others; Indralal Rana and Others v Land Revenue Office Gulmi and Others ; Baucha Maharjan v Jhyapucha Maharjan and Others; Madhav Prasad Nepal v Chief District Officer, Sindhupalchowk and Others; Laxmi Naryan Nhuche Shrestha v Tuising Fasi Shrestha and Others

[3] Narayankrishna Lohala and Others v Land Revenue Department, Bhaktapur and Others, SC Bulletin Year 3, Part 22, Volume 64, Page 9

[4] Ram Prasad Bhattrai v Customs Office, Kailali and Others; Nagendra Tiwari v Prasad Pandit and Others

[5] Ram Ujjain Raya v Awadh Bihari Raya Yadav and Others ; Sharand Baishnam v Janaki Ballabh Sharand Baishnam

[6] Tek Bahadur Khadka v Bam Bahadur Khadka ; Chaudhary Raya Yadav and Others v Bipat Raut Barai, SC Bulletin Year 20, Part 4, Volume 454, Page 5; Ananda Bahadur Shrestha v Arjun Narsinghha Rana and Others

[7] Sharad Prasad Koirala, Madhyastata Kanoon 285; Ananda Bahadur Shrestha v Arjun Narsinghha Rana and Others

[8] Ganesh Bahadur Thapa v Gorkha Mall and Others ; Rampati Shah Sudi and Others v Land Revenue Office, Mahottari, Jaleshwar

[9] Raghuwir Kami (Kale) v His Majesty’s Government; Ganapati Neupane and Others v Nagar Bikash Yojana Napi Sambandhi Bishesh Adalat, Pokhara (Special Court, Pokhara) and Others

[10] Gyan Bahadur Rai and Others v Dil Bahadur Rai ; Chandra Sekhar Nayak Giri v Home Ministry, His Majesty’s Government, SC Bulletin Year 11, Part 4, Page 10; Birat Thapa v Nepal Bangladesh Bank Ltd, Central Office, Kathmandu and Others; Hem Kumar Shrestha v His Majesty’s Government, SC Bulletin, Year 12, Part 5, Page 6; Rajikol and Others v Appellate Court Patan and OthersParshuram Jha v Sectretariat of Council of Ministers And Others ; His Majesty’s Government v Panda Ghale and Others

[11] Devi Khadka v Lal Kumari Gauchan and Others (Unpublished) (Retrieved from: Gauri Bahadur Karki, Collection of Judgements (Civil) (Volume 2) 1391); Lakhraji Kewtin v Bhagwanta Pal and Others

[12] Nani Laxmi Suwal v Patan High Court, SC Bulletin, Year 6, Part 4, Page 12; National Civil Procedural Code 2074, s 199.

[13] Nani Laxmi Suwal v Patan High Court, SC Bulletin, Year 6, Part 4, Page 12; National Civil Procedural Code 2074, s 199.

[14] National Civil Procedural Code 2074, s 199.

[15] National Civil Procedural Code 2074, s 199.

[16] Finance Ministry (Customs Department), His Majesty’s Government and Others v Ramrichapal Agrawal, SC Bulletin 2049, Year 1, Part 17, Page 9; Kiran Raut Chettri v Director General, Central Statistics Department and Others

[17] Lal Bahadur Yadav and Others v His Majesty’s Government; Krishna Hari Shrestha v Daan Bahadur Shrestha, SC Bulletin 2068, Part 7, Page 8

[18] Sarwaccha Adalat Nirdaya Sangraha (SC Collection of Judgements), Part 5, Page 415

[19] Lokbhatta Shumsher Rana v Ramadevi Rajbhandari , SC Bulletin Year 7, Part 3, Page 1; Gunrajya Laxmi Shah and Others v Uttam Prasad Kharel and Others, SC Bulletin, Year 8, Part 3, Page 1

[20] Manjudevi Gupta v Appellate Court, Rajbiraj, Saptari; Praad Hira Kansakar v Kesharman Kansakar and Others, SC Bulletin 2066, Year 18, Part 9, Page 43; Fulgen Sahu Bhyahut Sudhi and Others v Krishna Devi Byahut Sudhi; Lakhraji Kewtin and Others v Bhagwanta Pal and Others

[21] Anil Hajara v Mani Mahara Chamar and Others, SC Bulletin 2066, Year 18, Part 10, Page 28; Sagarmatha National Park v Kami Singh Tamang, SC Bulletin, Year 8, Part 23, Page 12

[22] Tulasi Kumar Shrestha v Sundar Shrestha, SC Bulletin 2066, Year 18, Part 11, Page 14; Birat Thapa v Appellate Court, Biratnagar and Others, SC Bulletin 2067, Year 19, Part 11, Page 6

[23] Udaybir Gurung v Chavi Lal Bhattrai and Others ; Laxmi Narayan Maharjan and Others v Secretariat of the Council of Ministers and Others

[24] Jamunadevi and Others v Janaki Devi Subedi, SC Bulletin, Year 9 Part 14, Page 7

[25] Ramprakash Chaudhary v Ministry of Finance and Others ; Chettra Kumari Khadka Chettri and Others v Chittra Kumari Khadka Chettri

[26] Dipak Gurung v Bishnu Raj Gimine and Others; Ganapat Tharu v Jhabbu Tharu and Others; Bidur Singh Himal v Ram Hari Upadhyay and Others

[27] Padam Bahadur Rai v Laxmi Maya Thapa, SC Bulletin 2053, Year 5, Part 1, Page 5 (citing Administration of Justice Act 2048, s 9 (1) (c)); Chidambar Sharma Adhikari v Lila Sharma Adhikari, SC Bulletin, Year 5, Part 1, Page 6

[28] Padam Bahadur Hiski Magar v Homnath Upadhyay, SC Bulletin,  Year 5, Part 6, Page 18; Man Bahadur Gurung v His Majesty’s Government

[29] Administration of Justice Act 2073, s 9 (1) (c).

[30] Administration of Justice Act 2073, s 9 (1) (c).

[31] Administration of Justice Act 2073, s 9 (1) (a).

[32] Mahanta Maharjan and Ohters v Appellate Court, Patan and Others, SC Bulletin 2052, Year 4, Part 8, Page 21

[33] Bharat Raj Upreti, Himal (No. 200, 2064 (Shrawan))

[34] Ganesh Raut Kurmi v Uma Shankar Yadav, SC Bulletin, Year 8, Part 20, Page 9 (citing Muluki Ain 2020 (Court Management), no. 59 and 193); Nirmal Kumar Basnet v Appellate Court, Patan and Others, SC Bulletin, Year 11, Part 16, Page 9 (citing Muluki Ain 2020 (Court Management), no. 65 and 193; citing District Court Regulations 2052, r 46)

[35] Forest Ministry v Ram Maharjan, SC Nirnaya SaarSangraha 031-36, Page 87; Nhuchhe Bhakta Sayaju v Guthi Sansthan Central Office and Others, SC Bulletin, Year 12, Part 22; Rishikesh Shah and Others v His Majesty’s Government; Muluki Ain 2020 (Court Management), no. 197.

[36] National Criminal Procedural Code 2074, s 136 (3) (b).

[37] Dambar Kumar Neyonghang Limbu and Others v Gangamaya Sendang Limbu; Bijaya Bahadur Sahi and Others v Hari Prasad Paudel

[38] Muluki Ain 2020 (Court Management), no. 193; Padma Prasad Upadhyaya v Nagar Bikash Yojana Napi Sambandhi Bishesh Adalat Pokhara and Others, NKP 2040 Special Part (Bishesh Anka), Page 191, B. Decision no.42; Parjun Koyi v District Education Officer, Raj Kishor Singh and Others; Chandra Sekhar Nayak Giri v Home Ministry, His Majesty’s Government and Others, SC Bulletin, Year 11, Part 4, Page 10

[39] Rabindra Shakya v Sagar Ratna Shakya, SC Bulletin 2067, Year 19, Part 8, Page 17

[40] National Criminal Procedural Code 2074, s 134 (4); National Civil Procedural Code 2074, s 205.

[41] Ramrati Devi Yadav and Others v Renu Kumari Yadav and Others

[42] Lila Devi Mahaseth and Others v Shiva Narayan Yadav, SC Bulletin 2066, Year 18, Part 24, Page 12

[43] Punyabikram Rana v Keshar Bahadur Rajbhandari

[44] Ratnabahadur Gurung v Lal Bahadur Gurung, Sarwaccha Adalat Nirnaya Sangraha (Supreme Court Collection of Judgements), Part 1 Kha, Page 173; Pradhumna Prasad Singh v Amar Singh Chaudhary

[45] Harka Limbu v Bakhta Bahadur Limbu and Others, Sarwaccha Adalat Nirnaya Sangraha (Supreme Court Collection of Judgements), Part 2 A, Page 120

[46] Lok Bahadur Karki Chettri v Keshavraj Rajbhandari and Others (citing Muluki Ain 2020 (Court Management), no. 65);  Umadevi Kalwar, v Waijanath Shah Kalwar, SC Bulletin Year 10, Part 07, Page 21 (citing Muluki Ain 2020 (Court Management), no. 65); Hemanta Shumsher Ja. Ba. Ra. v Surya Kumari Pandey;  Muluki Ain 2020 (Court Management), no. 65 (2).

[47] Sawir Ali Miya v Revenue Tribunal, Kathmandu SC Bulletin, Year 9, Part 23, Page 3

[48] Dinesh Hathi and Others v Office of the Village Development Committee, Ratauli, Mahottari, SC Bulletin, Year 9, Part 4, Page 8

[49] Muluki Ain 2020 (Court Management), no. 65 (2).

[50] Chiranjibi Khatiwada v Government of Nepal, SC Bulletin, Year 14, Part 2, Page 24

[51] Shankarananda Aragariya (Represented by Rajaram Aragariya Yadav) v His Majesty’s Government, SC Bulletin, Year 12, Part 2, Page 2

[52] Mina Shrestha v Makwanpur District Court, SC Bulletin, Year 15, Part 16, Page 16

[53] Purna Prasad Rajbanshi v Kathmandu District Court and Others, SC Bulletin 2068, Mangshir-2, Page 11

[54] Purna Prasad Rajbanshi v Kathmandu District Court and Others, SC Bulletin 2068, Mangshir-2, Page 11

[55] Nirmal Kumar Basnet v Appelate Court Patan and Others, SC Bulletin, Year 11, Part 16

[56] Nepal Telecommunications Co. Ltd., Solukhumbu v Appealate Court, Rajbiraj and Others, Date of the Judgement: 2057/05/08 (Application no. 305 of 2057 B.S.) (Unpublished) (Retrieved from: Gauri Bahadur Karki, Collection of Judgements (Civil) (Volume 1) 611)

[57]  Puti Sherpa and Others v Nepal Telecommunication Company Limited (citing no. 65 (3)); Nirmal Kumar Basnet v Appelate Court, Patan and Others, SC Bulletin, Year 11, Part 16, Page 9 (Citing no. 65 and 193)

[58] Mahanta Maharjan and Others v Appellate Court, Patan and Others, SC Bulletin 2052, Year 4, Part 8, Page 21

[59] Muluki Ain 2020 (Court Management), no. 197 (1).

[60] Shri Krishna Mulmi v Patan High Court, SC Bulletin, Year 9, Part 2, Page 16

[61] Shri Krishna Mulmi v Patan High Court, SC Bulletin, Year 9, Part 2, Page 16

[62] Shri Krishna Mulmi v Patan High Court, SC Bulletin, Year 9, Part 2, Page 16

[63] Shri Krishna Mulmi v Patan High Court, SC Bulletin, Year 9, Part 2, Page 16

[64] National Criminal Procedural Code 2074, s 134 (3).

[65] National Civil Procedural Code 2074, s 153.

[66] Gaurishankar Shah v The Government of Nepal, SC Bulletin, Year 2069, Volume 477, Page 34

[67] Bhoj Bahadur Shedai Chettri v Ishwari Dutta Shedai; Mina Shrestha v Makwanpur District Court, SC Bulletin, Year 15, Part 16, Page 16

[68] National Criminal Procedural Code 2074, s 134 (3).

[69] Karna Bahadur Khoteja v Narayan Prasad Khoteja, SC Bulletin, Year 8, Part 15, Page 3

[70] Bhumendra Kumar Goyal v Kathmandu District Court and Others, SC Bulletin 2066, Year 18, Part 21, Page 20

[71] Jungabahadur Kurmi v Bangsidhar Aggrawal and Others; Rabi Prasad Giri v Napi Gochwara and Others; Bheshraj Pandey v Kathmandu Metropolitican and Others

Taylor Swift’s Copyright Case: Can the Jury Easily “Shake it Off”?

SANKALPA KOIRALA*

1. Introduction

In 2018, the United States District Court for the Central District of California, decided in favour of Taylor Swift (by allowing her request for a summary judgement) in a musical copyright infringement case brought against her. The plaintiffs in the case had alleged that the chorus in the song “Shake It Off” by Taylor Swift had copied their hit song titled “Playas Gon’ Play” released in 2001. It was alleged that Swift illegally copied a six-word phrase and a four-part lyrical sequence. The concerned lyrics were “players gonna play” and “haters gonna hate”, as seen in the chorus part of the song “Shake It Off”. More specifically, it was alleged that Swift’s lyrics in “Shake It Off” (“Cause the players gonna play, play, play, play, play / And the haters gonna hate, hate, hate, hate, hate”) infringe on their song’s lyrics (“Playas, they gonna play / And haters, they gonna hate”). The district court dismissed the case for a lack of originality of the six-word phrase and four-part lyrical sequence. Such a lack of originality results to a lack of copyright protection to the concerned lyrics in the song “Playas Gon’ Play”. The Ninth Circuit (upon appeal from the district court) however, reversed and remanded the case. Now, a federal judge in December, 2021 denied Taylor Swift’s request to throw out the copyright infringement suit at summary judgement itself and thus, the case could go to trial.

Copyright protection is only provided to those expressions that hold originality. Originality is a sine qua non for copyright protection. The requirement of “originality” refers to those works that are independently created by the authors and it possesses a minimal degree of creativity. This was decided in the case of Fiest Publications, Inc. v. Rural Telephone Service Co. (1991). But, a clarification that the court provided was that “originality does not signify novelty; a work may be original even though it closely resembles other works so long as the similarity is fortuitous, not the result of copying.” To further clarify this point, the court stated that “to illustrate, assume that two poets, each ignorant of the other, compose identical poems. Neither work is novel, yet both are original and, hence, copyrightable.”

There is another way to understand the difference between the usage of the words “originality” and “novelty”. In copyright disputes “originality” of the work is observed but in case of patent disputes “novelty” of the invention is observed. Thus, for an invention to be patentable, it must be “novel” but, for a (musical) work to be copyrightable, the work need not be “novel”, but only “original”. Thus, the threshold for “novelty” is higher than that for “originality”.

Therefore, the use of the words “playas gon’ play” and “haters gon’ hate” in the song “Playas’ Gon Play” must hold originality to be copyrightable and to bring a claim against Taylor Swift’s song “Shake It Off” which uses those six-word phrase in the chorus. It should be noted that not all lyrics can be original, even though the song has been provided with a copyright. There is no “presumption of originality” of all the musical elements just because the overall work (song) has been provided with a copyright. The district court, while finding a lack of originality, (in the original judgement) cited the case of Satava v. Lowry (2003) which stated that “any copyrighted expression must be ‘original.’ Although the amount of creative input . . . required to meet the originality standard is low, it is not negligible.”

However, the Ninth Circuit reversed and remanded the original judgement by the district court as it found that the absence of originality was not established on the face of the complaint or through the judicially noticed matters. Here, it is to be noted that the Ninth Circuit did not say that the lyrics at issue were original. It was only concerned with the process of finding the absence of originality by the district court. It has also not stated if any copyright violation has taken place. It merely remanded the case due to the deficiency in finding the absence of originality.

In the original judgement by the district court, it was stated that “in the early 2000s, popular culture was adequately suffused with the concepts of players and haters to render the phrases ‘playas… gonna play’ or ‘haters… gonna hate’, standing on their own, no more creative than ‘runners gonna run’; ‘drummers gonna drum’; or ‘swimmers gonna swim…” The judgement further read, “in sum, the lyrics at issue… are too brief, unoriginal, and uncreative to warrant protection under the Copyright Act.”

However, after being remanded back, Judge Fitzgerald has decided that “even though there are some noticeable differences between the works, there are also significant similarities in word usage and sequence/structure.” He further added, “the court cannot presently determine that no reasonable juror could find substantial similarity of lyrical phrasing, word arrangement, or poetic structure between the two works.” Here, Judge Fitzgerald has only denied a request for summary judgement by Taylor Swift. Here, a final decision as to copyright violation has not been provided, as the case is still to go to trial.

Firstly, what is observed from Judge Fitzgerald’s judgement (after remand) is that the suit cannot be “shaken off” at summary judgement itself. Summary judgement is granted to the defendant (i.e. Taylor Swift, in the case at hand) when the works are so dissimilar that an infringement claim would be without merit.1 Further, it can only be provided (in favour of the defendant) in cases where mere copying of facts or copying of expressions which are obviously dissimilar has occurred.2 (Here, it is to be noted that facts are unoriginal, and thus cannot be copyright protected.) In the case of Narell v. Freeman, it was decided that “…summary judgment is appropriate … [in favour of the non-moving party (defendant) if]…no reasonable juror could find substantial similarity of ideas and expression.” As already stated, Judge Fitzgerald decided that “even though there are some noticeable differences between the works, there are also significant similarities in word usage and sequence/structure”. He further decided that “the court cannot presently determine that no reasonable juror could find substantial similarity of lyrical phrasing, word arrangement, or poetic structure between the two works.” Thus, it is reasonable to conclude that the suit cannot be “shaken off” at summary judgement itself.

Here, it would be pertinent to note that the use of summary judgement on the issue of substantial similarity is said to be unusual.3 The question as to substantial similarity is a question of fact. However, summary judgement limits itself to the extrinsic test which only deals with the legal aspect of copyright dispute.4 It is for this reason that summary judgements are rare. Therefore, the district court’s decision to reject the plea for summary judgement by Taylor Swift is reasonable.

Now, this piece will analyse if the issue of copyright infringement in the case can be easily “shaken off” or not by the jury (in trial).

Swift’s Attorney, Peter Anderson has criticised the judgement (after remand) by Judge Fitzgerald stating that the judgement has ignored the extrinsic test wherein the protected and unprotected elements of musical works are distinguished. Further, he stated that, “both works use versions of two short public domain phrases — ‘players gonna play’ and ‘haters gonna hate’ — that are free for everyone to use.” It has been previously observed that western music and litigation on it suffers from difficulty in differentiating plaintiff’s work from the music in the public domain.5 Similar issue is said to have repeated in the case.

( In my recent article, I have discussed the various tests undertaken by the Ninth Circuit to determine copyright infringement, in detail. I discuss concepts like the extrinsic test, the intrinsic test, the inverse ratio rule (now abrogated by the Ninth Circuit), summary judgement, sub-conscious copying, borrowing from the past, etc. In this piece, I shall only deal with the second criticism by Swift’s attorney which concerns the “public domain” argument. For this purpose, I will refer to the concepts of “creativity and originality”. For a discussion as to the first criticism (i.e. the lack of extrinsic test by Judge Fitzgerald), reference can be made to my recent article. )

3. Creativity and Originality

As already discussed above, the original judgement by the district court decided that the phrases “players gonna play” and “haters gonna hate” as seen in the plaintiff’s musical composition were unoriginal to be provided with copyright protection. Next, even if the summary judgement has been denied by the district court, Judge Fitzgerald has acknowledged that Swift’s experts made a strong and persuasive arguments but failed to establish why the case should not go to trial.

While the present case deals with originality of the concerned lyrics, and does not concern itself with the tempo and melody, a reference can be made to musical harmonies to understand the requirement of originality. Basic musical harmonies are too unoriginal to provide them with copyright protection.6 Some musical notes form the basis of musical compositions and cannot be copyright protected as it would restrict future musical compositions. They are unoriginal as they form the basis of musical compositions. For example, in the case of Newton v. Diamond, the Ninth Circuit decided that “C-D[b]–C, over a held C note…, lacked sufficient originality to merit copyright protection.” Criticising the judgement by Judge Fitzgerald, Anderson (who represented Taylor Swift) has said “plaintiffs could sue everyone who writes, sings, or publicly says ‘players gonna play’ and ‘haters gonna hate’ alone with other tautologies. To permit that is unprecedented and ‘cheat[s] the public domain.'”

In the original judgement, the court had cited thirteen different earlier songs that used similar phrases in the lyrics. The district court’s judgement (after remand) features an argument made by the plaintiff’s legal team which stated that “…there are at least seven elements in the selection and arrangement of the four-part lyrical sequence at issue that the chorus of ‘Shake’ copies from ‘Playas,’ including, for example: 1) Shake’s combination of tautological phrases; 2) parallel lyrics; and 3) grammatical model ‘Xers gonna X.’” However, as already mentioned, the original judgement stated how the lyrics at issue are no more creative than terms like “runners gonna run” and “swimmers gonna swim”. I agree with the district court’s original judgement in this regard, which suggests that a simple “Xers gonna X” lyric cannot fulfil the originality requirement. I also agree with Anderson (who represented Taylor Swift) that the plaintiffs cannot be allowed to sue anyone who uses “players gonna play”, “haters gonna hate” alone with other tautologies. Such lyrics should not be privatised as privatisation of such lyrics that are not original would hamper its socialistic (public) use. A similar issue can be observed in copyright infringement cases brought against Katy Perry (concerning her song “Dark Horse”) and Robin Thicke (concerning his song “Blurred lines”), where the courts privatised (in favour of the plaintiffs) such elements of musical works that should not have been privatised. The judgements have been highly criticized in the legal and the musical world. In my opinion, similar issue has repeated in Swift’s case where privatisation has been sought of such lyrics that does not hold enough originality. Further, it should be noted that if copyright protection is provided to such lyrics, it will further add to the unwanted but yet ongoing issue of “hits bring writs”. Additionally, reference can be made to a decision by the US District Court for the Southern District of New York, wherein it was decided that the use of the common lyric “party and bullshit” cannot amount to copyright infringement as the concerned lyric was a not a protectable expression. It is for these reasons that the concerned lyrics in the song “Playas Gon’ Play” does not fulfil the requirement of “originality” and thus, no copyright infringement can be established. However, this is not to say that a summary judgement should have been provided to Taylor Swift, as the threshold for providing a summary judgement in favour of a defendant has not been met.

4. Conclusion

The judgement denying summary judgement is reasonable, as the judgement complies with the existing jurisprudence regarding summary judgement. Further, since summary judgements are a rarity, Judge Fitzgerlad’s decision denying a request for summary judgement is reasonable. Next, it has to be accepted that it is difficult to establish exactly where lyrics and melodies becomes original and entitled to copyright protection.7 However, from the arguments that have already been observed in the ongoing dispute (including those observed in the original judgement and those observed as criticisms to the latest judgement by Judge Fitzgerald), I am of the opinion that there has not been any copyright infringement as the lyrics are too unoriginal to be provided with copyright protection. Therefore, while the suit could not be “shaken off” at the stage of summary judgement itself, it should be “shaken off” easily during the trial, as the lyrics at issue are unoriginal and are not copyright protected. Now, it remains to be observed what the jury will decide during the trial.

*Sankalpa is a founding editor at NepScholaris. He is a B.A. / LL.B. (Hons.) candidate at Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law, India.

(This article has been prepared for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. The information contained is not intended to create a lawyer-client relationship. The views expressed in the article does not reflect the the official position of the institutions to which the authors are affiliated. Readers should not act upon this without seeking advice from professional advisers.)


1 Twentieth Century-Fox Film Corp v MCA Inc 715 F 2d 1327, 1330 (9th Cir 1983)

2 Montgomery Frankel, ‘From Krofft to Shaw, and Beyond – The Shifting Test for Copyright Infringement in the Ninth Circuit’ (1990-1991) 40 Copyright L Symp 429

3 T-Peg Inc v Vermont Timber Works Inc 459 F 3d 97, 112 (1st Cir 2006); Berkic v Crichton 761 F 2d 1289, 1292 (9th Cir 1985); Shaw v Lindheim 919 F 2d 1353, 1355 (9th Cir 1990)

4 Seth Swirsky v Mariah Carey 376 F 3d 841, 845 (9th Cir 2004); Brown Bag Software v Symantec Corp 960 F 2d 1465, 1477 (9th Cir 1992)

5 Margit Livingston and Joseph Urbinato, ‘Copyright Infringement of Music: Determining Whether What Sounds Alike Is Alike’ (2013) 15 Vand J Ent & Tech L 227

6 Sergiu Gherman, ‘Harmony and Its Functionality: A Gloss on the Substantial Similarity Test in Music Copyrights’ (2009) 19 Fordham Intell Prop Media & Ent L J 483

7 Ridhima Bhardwaj and Sankalpa Koirala, ‘Halfway on the “Stairway to Heaven”: An Analysis Of Copyright Protection For Musical Works In The Ninth Circuit’ (2022) 5 (1) Journal of Intellectual Property Studies 72 < https://journalofipstudies.files.wordpress.com/2022/01/halfway-on-the-stairway-to-heaven-an-analysis-of-copyright-protection-for-musical-works-in-the-ninth-circuit.pdf > accessed 16 January 2022

A Study of Human Trafficking Under the Garb of Foreign Employment in the Nepalese Context

Image by: The Sociable

NARAYAN PRASAD SHARMA*

1. Introduction

Human trafficking or trafficking in persons refers to an ignoble form of modern-day slavery involving illegal transport of individuals by force, deception, or enticement for the purpose of labour, sexual exploitation, organ harvesting, or other malign activities which benefit the perpetrators financially. It is a problem affecting people of all ages, nationalities and communities; but women, girls and indigent populations constitute a disproportionate majority of the victims in almost every jurisdiction.

Trafficking of human beings has reached an alarming proposition. Long back, it was ranked as the third largest criminal industry in the world, right behind arms trafficking and drug trafficking. According to a 2002 Report, anywhere from 700,000 to 4 million persons worldwide had been trafficked across or within national borders every year. Human trafficking was (and still is) considered as the fastest growing global criminal industry, with high profits, low risks, minimal capital investment, and a “commodity” that can be used over and over again.[1] According to a 2014 Report by the International Labour Organization, human trafficking generated roughly USD 150 billion in profits, which was 3 times more than the prior estimates. While it is important to note that the Report has collectively considered the profits in the greater subset of “forced labour”, it cannot be denied that the institution of human trafficking is growing by leaps and bounds and is also emerging in different form factors.

Human trafficking and slavery can be traced back to the prehistoric times. Wars, conflicts, and financial greed perpetuated slavery and human trafficking as an evil institution. A perfect example in this regard could be that of the Roman Gladiators. In the 19th-20th century, the institution saw more growth due to the African slave trade, colonization and numerous wars. Nepal is also plagued with the problem of human trafficking and transportation, serving more as a country of origin and less as a transit. This article deals with the present form of trafficking practices and laws in Nepal, along with some theories to determine the cause and effect.

1.1 Act, Means and Purpose

According to Article 3 of the UN Trafficking in Persons Protocol (Palermo Protocol)-for human trafficking to take place, it must accomplish the elements of act, means, and purpose”. Under the requirement of “act”, the trafficker must commit the act of transport, recruitment, harbour, receipt or transfer of a human being. Elements of “means” entail coercion, deception, violence or threat of violence, abduction, receipt of payment/benefit, fraud, or abuse of power. The “purpose” of conducting such an “act” through those “means” should be for exploitation which includes, inter alia, sexual exploitation (not limited to prostitution), forced labour or servitude, removal of organs, or slavery (including practices similar to slavery). 

Following a partly similar pattern as that of the Protocol, Section 4(1) of the Human Trafficking and Transportation (Control) Act (HTTCA), 2007 stipulates that “human trafficking” includes the acts of  selling or purchasing of a person for any purpose; or using someone for prostitution, with or without any benefit; or extracting human organ except otherwise determined by law; or to solicit prostitution. Section 4(1)(d) (i.e. soliciting prostitution) criminalises prostitution, paying for sexual services, and living off of the earnings of prostitution by including it in the definition of human trafficking. As decided by the Supreme Court of Nepal, the consent obtained from the poor and unemployed victims for getting involved in prostitution is irrelevant in dealing with the offence of human trafficking and transportation.

Further, the apex court has also clarified that for an offence under Section 4(2)(b) to occur, there is no requirement for the act of transportation to have been completed or for the act of selling of the person to have actually taken place. This offence can occur even before the victim could be whisked to the desired destination. Similarly, it can be observed in the case of Krishna Pd. Pudasaini v. HMG, as decided by the Supreme Court that the offence of trans-boundary human trafficking shall arise if (a) migration is proven and (b) if it is proved that motive behind the migration was for the purpose of human trafficking outside of the country.

Likewise, Section 4(2) of the Act, defines “human transportation” as taking a person out of the country for the purpose of buying and selling them or taking of a person from their home, residence or from a person by using means of enticement, inducement, misinformation, forgery, tricks, coercion, abduction, hostage, etc., on the person or their guardian or custodian and keeping them into one’s custody, or to take to any place within or outside Nepal, or handing over them to someone else, all for the purpose of prostitution or  exploitation. Now, Section 2(1)(e) of the Act defines “exploitation” as “an act of keeping human being as a slave and bonded and this word also includes removing human organ(s) except otherwise provided by the prevailing law.”  While the concepts human trafficking and human transportation may seem to be similar at the first eye, there is an underlying difference between the two offences. As can be observed from Section 4(1) of the Act, human trafficking includes all the elements of act, means and purpose. The final objective of extracting organs, prostitution or selling/purchasing should already have taken place. In Section 4(2), however, only the act and the means may be observed but the final purpose of prostitution or exploitation have not yet taken place. It is for this reason that a disparity in punishment between “human trafficking” and “human transportation” may be observed in Section 15 of the Act.

1.2 Labour Migration and Human Trafficking Nexus

Labour migration that transpires for foreign employment is often a medium for human trafficking. This is observed in both formal and informal economies. The willingness of the victims to depart from their home country for employment and to endure risks in the migration process is driven for the most part by poverty, insufficient education, and lack of domestic employment opportunities. High rates of such emigration is expected to increase the risk of human trafficking as (i) traffickers benefit from lower recruitment costs and free-riding opportunities there and/or (ii) those departing from high-migration areas can be more easily deceived and trapped. Simply, one can put this as, “traffickers fish in the stream of migration”- more people departing means more people at risk, and the traffickers’ coffers swelling. Friebel and Guriev model the market of debt-financed migration with debt/labour contracts where they ascertain how criminal intermediaries and smugglers offer loans to potential migrants who cannot afford the employment expenses in advance and coerce them into the possible risk of exploitation and human trafficking. Nepal’s remittance to GDP ratio (among the highest in the world) shows how foreign employment lures its majority population, thus making people more prone to human trafficking.

2. Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs Theory: A Model to Study Human Trafficking

Insofar as the theoretical model for defining the incidence of human trafficking is concerned, in my view, the Maslow’s hierarchy of needs theory fits the bill. In a 1943 paper titled “A Theory of Human Motivation,” American psychologist Abraham Maslow theorized that human decision-making is undergirded by a hierarchy of psychological needs. In his initial paper and a subsequent 1954 book titled Motivation and Personality, Maslow proposed that five core needs form the basis for human behavioural motivation. They include the physiological needs (food and clothing), safety needs (job or income security), love and belonging needs (friendship and affection), esteem needs, and self-actualisation needs, arranged in a low to high order in the necessity pyramid. Needs that are lower down in the hierarchy should be fulfilled first before individuals can move higher up in the strata of needs. However, this does not entail an “all or none” phenomenon. It is false to assume that a “stratum” must be completely fulfilled before moving upwards in the “stratum”.

In case of subjects of human trafficking originating from Nepal, many people at the bottom or the lower end of socio-economic strata have only their first hierarchy of needs met, i.e. the basic necessities of food and clothing. Many are still half-way into satisfying this elemental need. However, the second category of safety needs is still not realised fully and reliably by a vast chunk of the population. These disadvantaged people at the lower rung of socio-economic spectrum eventually become soft targets of human trafficking racket owing to their vulnerability towards fake assurances of a secured life abroad and prospects of prosperity back at home. They are ready to shoulder the risks for moving out of the debt trap and perpetual poverty and thus easily buy into the trafficker’s narrative.

The rapid surge in rural to urban migration has made living a rural and agrarian life less glamorous for many village dwellers. Lack of organized markets and accessible agro-infrastructure (i.e. irrigation, fertilizers, technical knowhow and soft loans) have made agriculture a less attractive profession of late, in terms of financial returns. This has spawned the displacement of a huge majority of workforce from the traditional agricultural sector over to other gainful sources of employment. However, the service and industry sectors, which would have absorbed the redundant manpower from the agricultural field, have not gained resilience yet.

The picture is further bleak due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic that has put all sectors of economy in dire straits for the past one and a half year. Thus, with agriculture failing day by day and other alternative sectors of economy still in shambles, reeling from the fallout of the pandemic and other adversities, foreign employment remains the last hope to earn a quick buck, even if it is orchestrated underground with an eye on human trafficking. Not only the low income peasants, even working professionals drawing a median salary and having decent academic qualifications are falling into this lure, in hope of swiftly turning their economic and social fortunes. So, Maslow’s hypothesis seems to be playing out vividly, here and now. This also calls for the need to provide generous opportunities of self-employment and entrepreneurship by the state before we can pull a plug on foreign employment, either in its legal or illegal iteration, and replace this trend with domestic initiative and local opportunities. The internal production system should meet with local skill building and capital creation.

3. Human Trafficking in Nepal

There are primarily three routes of human trafficking active in Nepal at the present. Firstly, the smuggling of gullible, indigent women and girls from remote villages to the urban centres of country including Kathmandu valley, Pokhara, Butwal, Birtamode and Nepalgunj for illicit activities including flesh trade. The biggest consumer of this inland trafficking victims is the adult entertainment sector (AES). Trafficking of destitute, less educated women and girls from interiors of Nepal to the brothels of India and bars or restaurants of Tibet may also be witnessed. Further, spiriting men, women and girls overseas by using India, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Thailand or the United Arab Emirates as transit points, especially to destination countries in Africa, Gulf, Europe, and the United States, has also been noticed.

3.1 Historical Background

Officially, the history of foreign employment reflects that opting for foreign employment began with the establishment of First Gorkha Regiment by the British East India Company during the early 1800s. Even before this, Nepalese have fled excessive taxation, coerced labour, and indifference of the state. Coupled with the advent of globalization and liberalisation of the political system and economy in Nepal, a huge number of Nepalese youths and families began to scour overseas in search of better opportunities to support themselves and their families. Likewise, the climax of post industrialisation in America and Europe and excessive financial reserves in the Middle East spurred by the petroleum boom, opened up new vistas of opportunities to the low income youths of Nepal in the form of foreign employment. The signing of the Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship (1950) between Nepal and India, which established an open border and free movement between permitted Nepalese nationals to work without a visa or passport in India marks the formal genesis of foreign employment in Nepal.[2]

After the outbreak of civil war in 1996, triggering a massive rural to urban migration, human trafficking gained momentum in Nepal. As people began to be harassed by both the Maoist belligerents and the state security forces, they fled to cities and towns in pursuit of safety. As the urban centres could not provide sufficient employment and income opportunities to the huge swath of internally displaced persons (IDPs), they became easy targets for the human smugglers. This trend has only ripened with time, even after the Maoists dropped their arms and joined the mainstream politics in 2006. This period marks the commencement of human trafficking under the guise of foreign employment.

3.2 The Status Quo

Currently, 172 countries are open for foreign employment purposes to the Nepalese nationals. The government has opened 110 countries for migrant workers through institutional channels.[3] However, data from 2018/19 reveal that there is high concentration of Nepali migrant workers mainly in Qatar (31.8%), Saudi Arabia (19.5%), and UAE (26.5%) and in Malaysia (4.2%). This high concentration is much pronounced in the case of male migrant workers. However, as for female migrant workers, the destination countries are relatively diverse.

The government currently operates a recruitment agency licensing system, and fraudulent and abusive recruitment practices have been criminalised under the Foreign Employment Act (FEA), 2007, including operating without a license, charging excessive fees, sending children abroad for work, or the use of coercion and deception in foreign recruitment. However, the implementation of this law has been partial and lackadaisical, with only a few manpower agencies being prosecuted each year for offences under this Act, and only handful of them being ultimately convicted. This disparity stands in stark contrast with the overwhelming number of complaints filed by returnee migrants against the erring manpower agencies. However, incidents of some crooked migrant workers filing fake complaints against upright recruitment agencies upon their return home to cover their own failures or infractions abroad are also not uncommon. Nonetheless, there have been a few instances of positive steps taken with regard to this Act. For example, removing sub-agents from the foreign employment business has led to a drop in instances of fraud in foreign employment business.

With an average of 1,400 Nepalese migrant workers leaving Nepal every day for foreign employment, during the fiscal year of 2018/19, international labour migration forms an important part of the lives of Nepalese citizens.. Poor, uneducated and rural people being the most vulnerable implies that the local levels should be the ones that Nepal should keep the most focus on, as they have become a breeding ground for potential victims. The recent setbacks faced by the nation such as the disastrous earthquake of 2015, the Indian blockade of 2015-16 and the raging outbreak of COVID-19 all have colluded to further exacerbate the vulnerability of the population at risk, as their regular means of income and livelihood have been severely compromised. This further highlights the nexus between Maslow’s theory and human trafficking in Nepal.

4. Incentives of Human Trafficking

Human trafficking patterns are state-specific in nature which are often influenced by the economic, social, and cultural factors. In the context of foreign employment, search for better quality of life than that available in domestic setup, pushes people to migrate and fall into the cesspool of human trafficking. Traffickers prey on unfortunate circumstances, weaknesses, unfamiliarity and inexperience of victims which is furthermore aggravated by the following incentives:

4.1 Open Border

The open and porous border has become an indirect enabler of human trafficking into and via India and has made anti-trafficking efforts elusive for the public and private agencies to implement. This nearly 1850 km long border has unfortunately developed into one of the busiest locations for the trafficking of humans. Sex industry of India is fed also by the women and girls trafficked from Nepal. Although traditionally, Nepal to India shipment was the most prevalent form of human smuggling, today the pattern has shifted to third country trafficking with Indian cities like Delhi, Mumbai and Kolkata being utilized as the launch pads or transit hubs.

4.2 Illegal Migration

Nepalese migrants today may be found in several outlier countries with which Nepal is not historically connected by trade or diplomacy – like Malawi, Madagascar, Nigeria, Togo and Senegal – which is a testament to the prolificacy of underground human smuggling, under the skin of foreign employment.

4.3 Fraudulent Consultancies, Adoptions and Marriages

Many educational consultancies are ominously engaged in the functions of manpower companies or foreign recruitment agencies, a duty that they are not legally allowed to discharge. Trafficking is further done under the guise of adoption of minors from the unregulated children’s homes and orphanages. Women are also siphoned to South Korea and other countries by dubiously marrying them off to foreign nationals.

4.4 Feminization of Poverty

Women are among the groups most vulnerable to human trafficking. Nepal continues to bar women from taking housemaid jobs in the Gulf countries. Upon the instructions of members of the parliamentary International Relations and Labour Committee, who had made a 10-day visit to the Gulf countries in April 2017 to take stock of the working conditions and other aspects, the ban was introduced. However, studies commissioned afterwards have suggested the ban has resulted in more bad than good for women migrants. Further, the age-based ban has not discouraged younger women from migrating; it has no to little effect on the treatment of women workers by their employers; it may have increased irregular migration and a risk of trafficking. The age ban also has resulted in undermining the economic and social opportunities for women. Similarly, the ban has been criticised as it is likely to render women more vulnerable and drive female migration further underground. Such bans may lead to financial restraints thus promoting trafficking to India for the purpose of prostitution.

5. Performance of the Legal Mechanisms

The Constitution of Nepal ensures a right against exploitation under Article 29 as a fundamental right under which no one shall be subjected to trafficking, slavery and servitude. The National Human Right Commission Act, 2012 contains complaint procedures for human rights violation entailed by human trafficking as well. Nepal has ratified several international instruments including the UN Convention against Transnational Organised Crime, ILO Convention No. 29 (Forced Labour Convention) to combat trafficking and forced labour. However, the adoption of these international obligations is still not matched with effective enforcement.

The Palermo Protocol was ratified in 2020 by Nepal. Thus, in compliance with the Protocol, there is a need to broaden the definition of human trafficking. For instance, the Palermo Protocol includes forced labour within the ambit of human trafficking. However, the current Nepalese law does not. Further, the HTTCA does not treat Nepal as a destination country or as a country of transit. However, evidence suggests that Nepal has been used as a country of transit as well. Further, Nepal fails to comply with the Protocol in its immigration policies. The HTTCA lacks features of restorative justice and thus, many victims are found to file cases under the FEA, 2007 as they would receive more compensation in comparison to the HTTCA. The HTTCA is still archaic, includes the crimes that need not fall under trafficking (such as seeking and offering voluntary prostitution services), but fails to criminalise some forms of sex trafficking and labour trafficking. The Act has been criticized for confusing sex work with sex trafficking, as may be observed even in the judgements passed by the Supreme Court. Additionally, the extra-territorial jurisdiction of the Act is still not fully implemented.

The FEA, 2007 is also not streamlined either. The time has now come to address Nepal to India trafficking, under the veneer of foreign employment in this Act, as the Indian cities are increasingly being used as hotbeds for third country trafficking. Although Section 22(2) and (3) of the FEA requires obtaining pre-approval from the Department of Foreign Employment before someone moves to a third country via foreign airport for seeking foreign employment, it is not put into rigorous practice. The nexus between crooked foreign employment agents and corrupt immigration officials at the international airport has only complicated matters further.

The government has adopted a policy of permitting overseas labour migration only through the companies licensed for foreign employment (Section 5(1) of the FEA) or at the initiative of the concerned individual itself under Section 21. However, the traffickers evade this guardrail by sending the migrants in visit visas or by acquiring individual labour permits in their names.

A majority of such people end up being cheated or defrauded. Many of them would not draw the salary or benefits of which they were promised and others would be subject to appalling labour conditions amounting to bondage labour. They have little to no social safety nets, Medicare, insurance and recourse to legal avenues. Due to the lack of valid paperwork, even rescuing them invites significant official hurdles. The women migrants are even forced to offer sexual favours for their masters. Adding to the agony, almost all of the government and non-governmental plans, programs and investments have been overwhelmingly centred on the plight of female victims of trafficking, thereby leaving the equally unfortunate male migrants ruthlessly deprived from serious protection efforts.

Due to obscurity over the actual purpose and coverage of the HTTCA 2007 and FEA 2007, many crimes under foreign employment are over-prosecuted as trafficking offences and alternately, many trafficking offences are under-prosecuted as foreign employment crimes. The relative power relation between the victims and perpetrators also plays a part in the selection of laws while pursuing a criminal case.

6. Control Measures

A dedicated and specialized Anti-Human Trafficking Bureau has been created under the Nepal Police in 2019 which investigates cases of organized human smuggling, previously done by other police offices and the Central Investigation Bureau. However, there is a still a need to have the allegations of official complicity in trafficking crimes to be rigorously investigated. It has to be ensured that none of the perpetrators are let off the hook. The existing HTTCA, 2007 should be so amended as to criminalize all forms of sex trafficking and labour trafficking in consonance with the Palermo Protocol.

The FEA, 2007 also needs to be revised for reining in the illegal Nepal to India migration, permeating under a grander scheme of human smuggling. The front-line responders should be suitably trained and equipped for precisely identifying, and referring the survivors of human trafficking that had fell for the lure of foreign employment, towards legal redress and rehabilitation services. Impetus should also fall on the capacity building of offices and professionals engaged in anti-trafficking duties through better budget and logistics allocations, sounder interagency rapport and coordination, provision of timely trainings and multiagency workshops. The standard operating procedures (SOPs) for law enforcement should be put into place to investigate and prosecute human smuggling cases in a more synchronized fashion.

The government agencies have to be nudged to more rigorously implement the provisions of victim and witness protection/relief under the HTTCA, 2007 and FEA, 2007 so that better cooperation may be expected of them in bringing the wrongdoers to book. Any future amendments should lend a veritable conceptual clarity to the offences falling under the FEA, 2007 and under the HTTCA, 2007; thereby reducing the chances of mismatched prosecution in cases that fall in the borderline between the two, which may possibly result in higher conviction rates at the courts. The policy framers should be better assured to lift current bans on adult female migration and engage the governments of destination governments to create rights-based, enforceable agreements that safeguard Nepali migrant workers from human trafficking and unethical working conditions.

In addition, the regional cooperation mechanisms to tackle migrant smuggling and smugglers operating across borders should be bolstered through effective enforcement of existing SAARC mechanisms, and creating joint task forces on curbing the illegal traffic of migrants. International bilateral cooperation between countries of origin, transit and destination should be galvanized for better information sharing on trafficking of migrants and for the due protection of rights of migrants within foreign territories. The protection of smuggled migrants and trafficked victims has to be attached top priority among the Nepalese diplomatic missions in transit and destination countries. The access services and consular assistance need to be better streamlined, ensuring that diplomatic missions are sufficiently staffed and trained to handle all issues faced by this category of victims.

Further, the body of evidence-based knowledge should be enhanced to better inform policy-making, create and share information on the modus operandi, routes and economics of migrant smuggling networks. The capacity of law enforcement to efficiently investigate and prosecute smuggling networks, seize and confiscate their assets also has to be reinforced. Holistic and overarching approaches should be adopted to generate public awareness on migrant smuggling and its ill effects at the proper smuggling hotspots so that the people and communities will be empowered enough to make wise and informed decisions on their own. The role of community-level migrant networks must be strengthened and protected from being misused by exploitative employers and traffickers.

Finally, the malaise of human smuggling through foreign employment has become so chronic and entrenched that sole efforts of a single state level do not suffice to stem the tide. Accordingly, the centre, the provinces and local levels should forge an alliance and work in tandem by adopting common approaches and redresses. The support and expertise of community based organizations, civil society and mass media also have to be roped in to this end.

*The author is an advocate, author and a legal researcher. He is a lecturer of law at National Law College, Lalitpur. He has been assisted by Apekshya Pandey for the purpose of this article.

(This article has been prepared for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. The information contained is not intended to create a lawyer-client relationship. The views expressed in the article does not reflect the the official position of the institutions to which the authors are affiliated. Readers should not act upon this without seeking advice from professional advisers.)


[1] Krishna Jeevi Ghimire and Narayan Prasad Sharma, ‘Human Trafficking Crimes: Status, Court Perspective and Control Measures’ (2017) 11 (1) NJA Law Journal 116

[2] Bandita Sijapati and Amrita Limbu, Governing Labour Migration in Nepal: An Analysis of Existing Policies and Institutional Mechanism (2nd edn, Centre for the Study of Labour and Mobility 2017)

[3] Keshav Bashyal and Binita Subedi, ‘Labour Diplomacy and Migration Governance in Nepal’ (2021) 1 (1) Journal of Foreign Affairs 107


Asking the Woman Question: Should the “Tampon Tax” be Exempted?

Image by: The Kathmandu Post

SHARAD PRASAD KOIRALA*

1. Introduction

Nepal currently levies 13% Value Added Tax (VAT) on sanitary napkins and other similar feminine articles (collectively called “tampon tax”) under the category of luxury goods.1 There exists a 15% import duty on sanitary napkins, while the import duty on essential raw materials for production of sanitary napkins like cotton and pinewood pulp aerate is at 5% for domestic producers of sanitary napkins.2 The result of higher import duties and VAT is an increase in the market price of menstrual products and thus, affordability becomes a bigger issue than availability. It has been observed that due to such affordability-availability issues, a large percentage of menstruating Nepalese women use unhygienic alternatives to sanitary napkins,3 which adds to the unhygienic menstrual practices (taboos) in Nepal. Additionally, the unjustified tampon tax adds to the legal, social, and economic inferiority of women in the country.4

Period poverty is an important area of concern in the Nepalese context. Be it the affordability of sanitary products at the individual and family level, or the accessibility to sanitary products, toilets, hand washing facilities along with menstrual hygiene education at home, schools, or workplaces, women during their menstrual days face great challenges. Further, menstrual issues have been one of the main reasons for school absenteeism among female students in Nepal.5 There have been many efforts by various organisations to address this issue of “period poverty” and school absenteeism by ensuring free accessibility to sanitary napkins. The government allocated NPR 1.8 Billion (approximately USD 16 Million) in FY 2076-2077, for the free distribution of sanitary napkins in government-aided schools6 but, there were a lot of shortcomings in its application.7 Therefore, a potential solution that the government has largely ignored, could be a simple change in the legislation by removing such sanitary napkins from the category of luxury goods, which, however slightly, would lessen the burden on the consumers.

2. Asking the Woman Question

Questioning is a means to “valid knowing”.8 However, historically, feminist questions on taxation had largely remained ignored.9 Women’s historic absence from legislative bodies has paved the way to the gender-biased tax system that we see today.10 While most of the taxation laws are gender-neutral, what can be seen is the presence of “gender blindness” because the reality that is present is that, when it comes to tax exemptions in necessary goods, gender has a centre-stage but has been ignored.11 For example, in some states of the US, one can observe that tax exemption was provided on non-essential goods but not on menstrual goods.12 Such “red tax” has been read with a much broader concept of “pink tax”, where it has been observed that feminine products were taxed more than their male equivalents.13 Only by asking the woman question can justifications and rationalisation be demanded and the discrimination and disabilities caused by such taxation, be removed.14 The woman question(s) while addressing the issue of suffrage were; why women should not vote and why should women vote.15 On similar lines, the questions this article addresses are; is tampon tax discriminatory, thus violating the constitution and, if there is any justification for such discriminatory tampon tax in Nepal. The objective of asking the woman question is to identify the gender implication of the laws that apparently seem gender-neutral or objective. In the legal field, asking the woman question means to examine how the law fails to take into account the experiences and values that are more typical of women than of men.16 Similarly, there also exists the critical tax theory, which asks why tax laws are the way they are and their impact on divisions of society like race, colour, sex, gender, etc.,17 which has been addressed below.

3. Fundamental Right and Human Right Violation

3.1. Violation of International Human Rights

The tax hurdle on the path to menstrual hygiene violates the AAAQ framework i.e. availability, accessibility, acceptability, and quality framework of the International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).18 Furthermore, such discriminatory taxation violates Article 12 and Article 14 (2) (h) of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).19 While Nepal has ratified these international conventions, it has largely failed in its application.20 Tampon taxation is another such instance of violation of the aforementioned international conventions.

3.2. Is the Tampon Tax Discriminatory?

(While the tampon tax might violate many provisions of the constitution, the article is only concerned with such taxation being discriminatory.)

The European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has recognised discriminatory tax treatment on the basis of sex. For instance, in the case of Van Raatle v. the Netherlands,21 the ECtHR found it to be discriminatory to exempt unmarried and childless women above 45 years of age from taxation (as under the General Childcare Benefits Act) without such exemption being provided to men who fulfil the same criteria. Similarly, the court has found it discriminatory to provide Widow’s Bereavement Allowance (tax benefit) to widows but not to widowers, as such tax benefit lacked a legitimate aim.22 Similarly, in lack of legitimate justification and objective, the court found a tax regime to be discriminatory in another case as well, wherein, the widow would have been provided with the tax benefit, had she been in the same circumstances as the widower. However, the widower was not provided with such tax benefit.23 (Lack of legitimate justification and objective of tampon tax in case of Nepal has been discussed below in 3.2.1.)

However, in regard to the violation of the right to equality, the first question that arises is; is the tampon tax discriminatory? For instance, as a critique of feminist jurisprudence, there arose an argument that there cannot arise discrimination on the grounds of pregnancy simply because a man cannot get pregnant but a woman can.24 A similar reasoning can be seen in the case of Geduldig v. Aiello.25 So, is a similar argument applicable here? Can it be argued that there cannot arise tax discrimination simply because menstruation is a natural phenomenon only seen in females, and not in males? This can be answered by looking into the case of Bray v. Alexandria Women’s Health Clinic wherein it was decided that “a tax on wearing yarmulkes is a tax on Jews”.26 On this basis, it has been argued that taxing sanitary napkins as luxury goods is analogous to taxing yarmulkes as luxury goods, and thus is discriminatory.27 The question is not to be answered on the grounds of biological differences between the sexes but on the fact that one’s essential commodity is taxed more in comparison to the others’ essential commodity. For instance, authors have taken the example of spermicidal contraceptives and erectile-dysfunction medicines being tax-free, as a ground to justify why women’s menstrual products should also be tax-free.28 Further, it has been rightly argued that Gedulgid (a decision which has been largely criticised) while poses a challenge to the argument that tampon tax should be considered as a sex-based discrimination, cannot be implemented in case of discriminatory tampon taxation. Observing the Indian Case of Nargesh Meerza,29 wherein it was decided that penalising pregnancy amounts to sex-based discrimination even if a man cannot get pregnant, it can be concluded that biological differences in sex do not prevent discrimination from being established. A sex-based tax is discriminatory even if members of the other sex occasionally are the purchasers of the product.30 Therefore, it is on these grounds that tampon taxation violates the right to equality.31

3.2.1. Is there any Justification for the Discrimination?

There are tax differences between the two sexes that are not discriminatory because of the presence of a legitimate objective that the law aims to achieve. For example, the difference in taxation between the two sexes in the case of land registration.32 However, is there any similar justification for the presence of tampon tax in Nepal?

It has been argued that one of the reasons to keep the tampon tax is that it contributes to the state’s budget.33 However, given that a very less portion of women use sanitary napkins, the argument fails in the Nepalese context. Further, the argument fails because, given the practice of welfare state, the government instead is spending money to make the products available for free of costs. Therefore, revenue does not seem to be the reason to keep the tampon tax. Further, even if it did contribute substantially to the state’s budget, it cannot justify the discriminatory measure.34 Next, economists argue that inelastic goods need to be taxed for revenue generation. However, this argument is defeated by the reasons provided above against the budget contribution argument. Further, given the presence of alternative products (although unhygienic) in Nepal, sanitary napkins are somewhat elastic products, even if they might be inelastic in developed nations.35

3.2.1.1 Case Where Sanitary Napkins is Produced by Domestic Manufacturers.

The next argument on why the tampon tax should exist, can be understood by taking a recent example from India. Finance Minister of India, Nirmala Sitharaman, while dealing with Integrated Goods and Services Tax (IGST) on COVID-19 relief materials and services, stated that a tax exemption would increase the manufacturing costs, as the tax credit obtained upon purchase of input goods cannot be deducted against the final output GST liability. The input tax credit gets blocked and thus, the price will be raised by the producers bringing back the situation that existed while the tax was imposed.36 Now, this argument that price will increase in case of exemption assumes that the role of the state is absent. The solution to this input tax blockage (in case of tax exemption) is that the state can bear the cost of the blocked input tax credit. The state can also put a cap on the increase in price (profiteering) that can be done by the producers. For instance, the Black Marketing Act, 2032 (1975) puts a cap of 20% on profiteering.37 It is within this 20% that the producers can increase their profit margin to recover the blocked input tax.

Now, the reasonable solution, instead of VAT exemption, is to classify sanitary napkins as zero-rated goods.38 (Further discussed below). Adding sanitary napkins to zero-rated goods as listed under Schedule-II of the Value Added Tax Act, 2052 (1996) should be done. When it comes to zero-rated goods, there can be no tax on input supplies or the input tax can be credited, despite the final product not being taxed. However, in context of Nepal, firstly, there is no system for exemption on input tax in as under the “zero-rated classification”. Thus, the only option is that the input tax is credited despite the output not being taxed, thus refunding the input tax.39 While zero-rated goods are mostly in regard to exports, there is a need to recognise sanitary napkins (along with other necessary goods) as zero-rated goods despite them not being exported.

VAT exemption may instead be detrimental to the aim of removing period poverty, and enlisting sanitary napkins as a zero-rated good seems to be the way forward. An observation made in the case of India, observed that the price increases due to exemption.40 (See the figure below). Now, while the government can take the burden of removing input tax blockage (in case of exemptions), it can also lessen the price burden by lessening the import duty on the materials required for production in the first place.

Therefore, it can be concluded (from 3.2.1 and 3.2.1.1) that there does not appear to be any reasonable justification to the discriminatory tampon tax in Nepal and, thus, it should be removed with the product being enlisted as a zero-rated good, while also decreasing the import duties.

Figure 1: Impact of GST Exemption on Sanitary Napkins.
Source: Saral Designs.

(However, while classifying necessary goods as zero-rated goods is more efficient, it should be noted that, generally, in practice, exemption is provided on necessary goods instead of enlisting them as a zero-rated good. A plain reading of Schedule-II of the VAT Act concludes that only those goods and services that are exported outside of Nepal are provided with “zero-rated privilege”. Therefore, in practice, sanitary napkins made for domestic consumption will not fall under Schedule-II. Next, while exemption can be useful, as the final 13% of tax is not applied, but it does not ensure that selling price will decrease, as the producers can increase the price of the product since their input tax is not being credited.)

3.2.1.2 In case of Import of Sanitary Napkins

Tax exemption might be effective only in case where the sanitary napkins are being imported. Currently, there is no exemption on sanitary napkins. Thus, upon import, custom duty, excise duty, and VAT are applicable, which raises the price. Finally, again, output tax is applicable along with a profit margin which again adds to the price.

Once exemption as under Schedule-I of the VAT Act is provided, there is no presence VAT or “input tax” upon import (unlike that in the case of manufacturing). Thus, there is no issue of blockage of input tax due to exemption (since input tax does not exist). Thus, a VAT exemption on the output tax can be effective here in case of imports, due to the absence of input tax blockage. However, what should be understood is that, while there is no issue of input tax blockage, the initial cost (cost of production or rather, cost of import) itself is very high (due to high custom duty and excise) in case of import as compared to the case of manufacturers, and thus, the selling price is still high as was in the case of manufacturers being provided with exemption.

In the case of Nepal, sanitary napkins are largely imported and an alternative to make such products more accessible with the government’s involvement would be to make the nation self-sufficient in regard to such products. Thus, manufacturing such products is important. However, as already noted, in the case of manufacture, tax exemption is not effective. Thus, it can be concluded that tax exemption in the case of manufacturing and tax exemption in the case of import, both are ineffective as price would still be high. Thus, the reasonable solution is to make the nation self-sufficient with enough manufacturers and enlisting the product as zero-rated good.

4. Conclusion

The concept of human flourishing is important to be understood. The theory provides that necessities like food, shelter, etc., including necessities like education, medical supplies, etc. should be accessible without any taxation.41 The income tax of Nepal follows progressive taxation, while indirect tax, although equal for all, is regressive in nature because the lower-income class spend more percentage of their income on indirect tax than those belonging to the high-income class. Tampon tax adds to such regressive nature of indirect taxation, disproportionately affecting females.42 It is to prevent such regressive taxation that countries provide exemption (or enlist them as a zero-rated good) when it comes to essential goods. We can thus conclude that zero-rated products benefit the lower-income consumers,43 which should be the aim of a welfare state. However, such practice has not been observed when it comes to sanitary napkins.

One can observe that courts (in the US) have interpreted menstrual products to fall within the definition of “medical necessities” to provide such articles with a tax exemption.44 However, the position was not so in the past. It was only achieved after the “woman question” was asked and addressed. The reasonable solution lies on the individual states; their legislature and the courts to address the problem.45 A writ has been filed before the Supreme Court for removal of such taxation. Therefore, the court should recognise these grounds and direct removal of luxury tax from products that fall within the classification of medical necessity. It is true that “exemption” or “zero-rated classification” of sanitary napkins might not affect the issue of period poverty substantially. Rather than taxation, the issue with affordability is due to poverty and price itself, of which, the tampon tax forms a lesser percentage. However, the court should be more concerned with what is wrong and what is right rather than the degree of influence of the removal of such taxation, and establish that the tampon tax is discriminatory.

(The article attempts to highlight why VAT exemption might not be as effective as intended. It might help to reduce the price but it might not achieve this end. What is more effective is enlisting the good as a zero rated good, which absolutely helps in reducing the price for the consumers by removing the VAT.)

(Further, although the article uses the term “sanitary napkins”, the arguments and suggestions can be used in regard to other sanitary products as well.)


*Sharad Prasad Koirala is a Founding Partner at Learned and Lawyers, Kathmandu. He specialises in Nepalese Taxation Law. He has been assisted by Sankalpa Koirala for the purpose of this article.

(The editorial board is thankful towards CA Durga Prasad Gnawali, Partner at NBSM, for his advice.)

(This article has been prepared for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. The information contained is not intended to create a lawyer-client relationship. The views expressed in the article does not reflect the the official position of the institutions to which the authors are affiliated. Readers should not act upon this without seeking advice from professional advisers.)


1 Value Added Tax Act 1996, s 7.

2 Shuvangi Khadka, ‘Making sanitary pads cheaper or free?’ (Econ-ity, 15 April 2021) <https://econitynepal.com/making-sanitary-pads-cheaper-or-free/ > accessed 14 August 2021

3 Samantha Friborg, ‘How 1 Education Focused Program Tackles Period Poverty in Nepal’ Brogen Magazine (Seattle, 4 October 2020) <https://www.borgenmagazine.com/period-poverty-in-nepal/ > accessed 14 August 2021

4 United States v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515, 516 (1996)

5 Niroj Bhattarai, Alexandra Bernasek and Anita Alves Pena, ‘Factors Affecting School Attendance and Implications for Student Achievement by Gender in Nepal’ (2020) Review of Political Economy < https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09538259.2020.1769296?journalCode=crpe20 > accessed 14 August 2021; Bridget J. Crawford, ‘Tampon Taxes, Discrimination and Human Rights’ (2017) Wisconsin Law Review 491<https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2068&context=lawfaculty > accessed 12 August 2021

6 Editorial, ‘1.3 million girls in Nepal to receive free menstrual supplies’ (Reliefweb, 3 September 2020) <https://reliefweb.int/report/nepal/13-million-girls-nepal-receive-free-menstrual-supplies > accessed 13 August 2021

7 Editorial, ‘Sanitary pad: Ahile nisulka, pachi k hola’ BBC News Nepali (Kathmandu, 15 February 2020) <https://www.bbc.com/nepali/news-51030781> accessed 13 August 2021

8 Cochac Elkayam-Levy, ‘A Path to Transformation: Asking “the Woman Question” in International Law’ (2021) 42 (3) Michigan Journal of International Law 429 < https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3543189> accessed 13 August 2021

9 Lawrence Zelenak, ‘Taking Critical Tax Theory Seriously’ (1998) 76 North Carolina Law Review 1521 <https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1535&context=faculty_scholarship > accessed 12 August 2021

10 Maya Rhoden, ‘President Obama Doesn’t Understand the ‘Tampon Tax’ Either’ TIME (15 January 2016) <http://time.com/4183108/obama-tampon-tax-sanitary/&gt; accessed 14 August 2021

11 Hailaire Barnett, Introduction to Feminist Jurisprudence (Cavendish Publishing 1998) 22

12 Bridget J. Crawford and Emily Gold Waldman, ‘The Unconstitutional Tampon Tax’ (2018) 53 University of Richmond Law Review 439 <https://lawreview.richmond.edu/files/2019/02/CrawfordWaldman-532.pdf> accessed 14 August 2021

13 Suzanne Herman, ‘A Blood-Red-Herring: Why Revenue Concerns Are Overestimated in the Fight to End the “Tampon Tax”‘ (2021) 48 Fordham Urb LJ 595 < https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2835&context=ulj > accessed 14 August 2021

14 Hailaire Barnett (n 11).

15 Carolyn Hardesty, ‘The Woman Question Today’ (1987) 272 (3) The North American Review 89 < https://www.jstor.org/stable/25124890 > accessed 14 August 2021

16 Katherine T. Barlett, ‘Feminist Legal Methods’ (1990) 103 Harvard Law Review 829 <https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=1119&context=faculty_scholarship> accessed 14 August 2021

17 Anthony C. Infanti and Bridget J. Crawford, Critical Tax Theory: An Introduction (Cambridge University Press 2009) 11

18 International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (adopted 16 December 1966, entered into force 3 January 1976) 993 UNTS 3 (ICESCR) art 12; Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, ‘CESCR General Comment No. 14: The Right to the Highest Attainable Standard of Health’ (Art. 12)’ (E/C.12/2000/4)

19 International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, arts 12 and 14 (2) (h).; Bridget Crawford ‘Tampon Tax be Gone: What the US Can Learn from India’s #LahuKaLagaan Repeal (Part II/II)’ (National Law School of India Review, 25 December 2018) <https://nlsir.com/tampon-tax-be-gone-what-the-us-can-learn-from-indias-lahukalagaan-repeal-part-ii-ii/ > accessed 12 August 2021

20 Dagan Omwesiga, ‘Tax Regime in Nepal – Implications on Human Rights’ (2018) 6 Kathmandu Sch L Rev 68 < https://kslreview.org/index.php/kslr/article/view/949> accessed 12 August 2021

21 Van Raalte v Netherlands App no 20060/92 (ECtHR, 1997)

22 Hobbs v United Kingdom App no 29750/09 (ECtHR, 2007)

23 Willis v United Kingdom App no 36042/97 (ECtHR, 2002)

24 Katherine T. Barlett, ‘Feminist Legal Methods’ (n 16) 841-842.

25 Geduldig v. Aiello, 417 U.S. 484 (1974)

26 Bray v. Alexandria Women’s Health Clinic, 506 U.S. 263, 270 (1993)

27 İlayda Eskitaşçıoğlu, ‘Access to Menstrual Products is a Constitutional Right. Period.’ (Verfassungsblog, 5 December 2019) <https://verfassungsblog.de/access-to-menstrual-products-is-a-constitutional-right-period/&gt; accessed 14 August 2021

28 Bridget J. Crawford and Emily Gold Waldman, ‘The Unconstitutional Tampon Tax’ (n 12) 439.

29 Air India v. Nargesh Meerza, 1981 AIR 1829

30 Victoria Hartman, ‘End the Bloody Taxation: Seeing Red on the Unconstitutional Tax on Tampons’ (2017) 112 Nw U L Rev 313 < https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/nulr/vol112/iss2/4/ > accessed 14 August 2021

31 Constitution of Nepal 2015, art 18.

32 Dagan Omwesiga, ‘Tax Regime in Nepal – Implications on Human Rights’ (n 20).

33 Suzanne Herman, ‘A Blood-Red-Herring: Why Revenue Concerns Are Overestimated in the Fight to End the “Tampon Tax”‘(n 13) 620.

34 Christopher Cotropia and Kyle Rozema, ‘Who Benefits from Repealing Tampon Taxes: Empirical Evidence from New Jersey’ (2018) 15 J Empirical Legal Stud 620 <https://scholarship.richmond.edu/law-faculty-publications/1503/&gt; accessed 14 August 2021

35 ibid 627.

36 Deepak Joshi, ‘India’s Taxation Policy is Behind the COVID Curve’ The WIRE (New Delhi, 19 May 2021) <https://thewire.in/government/india-gst-covid-19-relief-materials-solutions > accessed 14 August 2021

37 Black Marketing Act 1975, s 3.

38 Deepak Joshi, ‘India’s Taxation Policy is Behind the COVID Curve’ (n 36).

39 Seena Twayana, ‘What is the difference between NO VAT and ZERO VAT’ Kaagmandu Magazine (Kathmandu, 3 September 2019) <https://www.kmagz.com/what-is-the-difference-between-no-vat-and-zero-vat/ > accessed 14 August 2021

40 Editorial, ‘1 year later: Impact of GST exemption on Sanitary Napkins’ (Saral Designs) <https://saraldesigns.in/1-year-later-impact-of-gst-exemption-on-sanitary-napkins/> accessed 14 August 2021

41 Tsilly Dagan, ‘The Currency of Taxation’ (2016) 84 Fordham L Rev 2537 < https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol84/iss6/7/> accessed 14 August 2021

42 Jorene Ooi, ‘Bleeding Women Dry: Tampon Taxes and Menstrual Inequity’ (2018) 113 Nw U L Rev 109 < https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/nulr/vol113/iss1/3/ > accessed 14 August 2021

43 Suzanne Herman, ‘A Blood-Red-Herring: Why Revenue Concerns Are Overestimated in the Fight to End the “Tampon Tax”‘(n 13).

44 Bridget J. Crawford, ‘Tampon Taxes, Discrimination and Human Rights’ (n 5) 531-534.

45 ibid 512-513.

The Test of A “Reasonable Woman”: Battered Woman Syndrome as a Defence from Criminal Liability in the Nepalese Legal System

KIRAN PAUDEL* SANKALPA KOIRALA**

“A woman, a horse, and a hickory tree

The more you beat ’em the better they be”[1]

1. Introduction

Legal history has been severely plagued with conservative-patriarchal ideology. Such mind-set has severely affected women in abusive household, who have developed Battered Woman Syndrome (hereinafter, BWS), while they seek recourse in the courts. BWS is a psychological state which emerges when a woman is fed up of the violence, physical or mental, inflicted on her on a regular basis. BWS describes a pattern of violence inflicted on a woman by her mate.[2] Here, it becomes important to note that while the initial concepts of BWS only dealt with heterosexual relations, there exists a narrative on how the syndrome can arise in homosexual relations (involving women) as well. Similarly, the syndrome can arise in relations other than marital relations. Initially conceptualized as “learned helplessness”, wherein a woman is not able to escape an abusive household despite having the opportunity to do so,[3] BWS was later referred to the theory of “cycle of violence” which is conceptualized in three stages; tension building, acute battering and contrite loving.[4] Both of these co-relations were made by psychologist Dr. Lenore Walker.[5] (Further explained below at 3.)

Historically, battered women have been victimised and ignored not just by their parents but also by the uncaring judiciary.[6] In lack of a just legal system, a battered woman (who kill their abuser) can be punished thrice; once for enduring an abusive relationship; second for using self-defence itself (as there lacks adequate feminist legal representation while determining the essentials of self-defence, as have been further described below at 4.); third by being excluded from rights like inheritance, pension, joint-tenancy rights, etc., as killers (charged of murder or homicide) are not allowed to enjoy such rights.[7] (Such layers of punishment can be seen in case of Nepal as well, which has been explained below. See, the text at citation 38). Conservative panels of judges have been found to comply with the traditional notion of self-defence which severely limits the defence available to a battered woman.[8] Further, given the need of expert testimony (further explained below at 5.) in cases involving BWS, its admissibility should not be limited because of whims of the presiding judge[9] – a problem that can be witnessed in Nepal. [10]

(While BWS has been pleaded in cases like child custody disputes, marital dissolution, etc.,[11] this article deals with battered women who kill. While there have also been suggestions for the use of the defence of duress,[12] this article will solely focus on the defence of self-defence as it reflects the practice in the courts. Further, there appears to be a lot of debate on the terminology used itself, as it is said to be misleading.[13] However, given the large acceptance of BWS in courts and in scientific studies, the article shall only deal with BWS and its application, but will however throw a light on some of the short-comings.)

BWS has also been related to Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (hereinafter, PTSD), as both consist elements of a traumatic event and its effect.[14]  BWS is considered a subcategory of PTSD[15] that describes the psychological responses of a woman upon whom repeated violence is inflicted in an intimate relationship. Inherent to BWS are psychological issues of varying intensities, which makes expert witness testimonies and, case-specific and idiosyncratic diagnosis of the syndrome (which prevents unidimensional and stereotypical understanding of a battered woman)[16] important while claiming self-defense against a crime committed by the battered women on her batterer.[17] Therefore, expert testimony forms an important part of self-defence.[18] A body of scientific and clinical literature has formed the basis for expert testimonies in domestic violence cases.[19]

The phrase “battered women syndrome” has been mostly observed in criminal cases where a woman-murderer who killed her intimate partner sought to avail herself the defence of “self-defence” against the deceased-abuser.[20] Literature on the issue began developing during the 1970s in the United States of America (US).[21] It developed as an alternative theory of self-defence developed by feminists to eliminate sex-bias on the traditional doctrine of self-defence, which is based on experiences of men and tested on a “reasonable man” standard.[22] The requirement of “imminence of danger” and “fists against fists” ground to avail the defence of self-defence is biased against women whose perception of reasonable physical response against a danger and imminence of a danger is different from that of a man.[23] In the case of State v. Wanrow, the Washington Supreme Court rejected the objective standard of “reasonable man” requirement. The court stated that “the vital question is the reasonableness of the defendant’s apprehension of danger” and such apprehension can vary among the sexes.[24] Therefore, an expert witness helps elucidate the difference in perception and response that a man and a woman has when there is a presence of a danger.[25] They can also help address the question as to why did the woman not seek help and continued with the relationship.[26] However, since the impact of domestic violence varies with socio-economic condition of a woman,[27] it is important not to generalize the psychological aspect of BWS but undertake a case-to-case basis of analysis. All these issues will be detailed in the following parts of the article.

2. Nepalese Context

In the case of Laximai Badi v. HMG, [28] Laxmi Badi had killed her husband while he was asleep. The offender was subjected to domestic violence for 23 years by her alcoholic husband. Here, the court decided that the offender should be convicted for 7 years for the crime of culpable homicide. In another case of  Jok Kumari Karki v. GoN[29] the abuser (husband) was murdered by his wife. The victim had come home drunk and had abused his wife, who then retaliated by hitting him with an axe which caused the husband’s death. Here, however, the offender was convicted for 10 years. The wife (offender) hid the body of the deceased-victim at a dumping site, which was discovered after 10 days. This might be a reason for the increase in conviction years in comparison to the case of Laxima Badi, since the act seems to be unlike that of a woman with BWS (however, the court did not delve into the issue of BWS). (The conclusion section includes some cases from the US which have provided partial defence to a battered woman because her acts were unlike that of a battered woman.) (Again, it should be noted that BWS should not be generalised towards “weaker” women and there should not be a generalisation on how a battered woman behaves.) The convictions in these cases were made as per no. 188 of the Chapter of Court Management of Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S.,[30] wherein the authority has been provided with the power to lessen the punishment on reasonable grounds.[31] Similarly, using the same authority, punishment was reduced to 8 years and 7 years in the cases of GoN v. Shena Lama Sherpa[32] and Ganga alias Kabita Bajgai (Adhikari) v. GoN,[33] respectively. However, in the case of Shanti B.K. v. Government of Nepal,[34] grounds for consideration for application of the provision had been delimited, and such express delimitation (as provided in no. 188 of the Chapter of Court Management of Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S.) was not adequate to deal with BWS.[35] This highlights the harm that the provisions and judgements that delimit the grounds for self-defence can have.

In the case of GoN v. Radhika Shrestha,[36] the bench set a precedence on BWS.[37] The offender-wife had killed her husband by setting him on fire, and she was convicted for 10 years, without confiscation of property. (The trial court had however, decided on lifetime imprisonment pursuant to Section 13(3) of the Chapter on Homicide in the Muluki Ain, along with confiscation of the property).[38] The case is particularly important because the Supreme Court referred to Walker’s work and had issued a standing order to introduce and amend laws to comply with BWS (not just limited to cases of murder). It was decided that “on the basis of established principles, changed context, demand of the time and seriousness of BWS, it is necessary to manage legal provisions in order to regulate the matters like testing of BWS, admissibility of examination report and expert’s testimony on BWS as an evidence, claims of leniency on punishment made by the defendant in the murder case related to BWS.”[39]

However, introducing an express provision can also be detrimental to battered women, as it can create a “generalising effect”. Therefore, introduction of a provision dealing with BWS should keep it broad enough to incorporate genuine cases of battered women, while also providing discretion on the authority to reject the defence if the provision is being misused. Presently, the law incorporates provision on mitigating punishments,[40] which have been said to be used to deal with battered women.[41] (see citation 35 and accompanying text for a conflicting opinion).  Such provisions mitigate the punishment on the grounds of some form of disability or incapacity. However, such disability or incapacity is not entirely true in the case of a battered woman. Such opinion, labelling a battered woman as “incapable” or “disable”, furthers the stereotype that is prevalent. This further highlights the risk of incorporating (forcefully) BWS into express provisions of the law such as no. 188 Chapter of Court Management of Muluki Ain, 2020 B.S. or Section 39 (h) of the National Penal Code 2017 (Muluki Aparaadh Samhita, 2074 B.S.). Further, limiting application of BWS to limited grounds (by introduction of an express provision on BWS) might fail to incorporate all the cases involving BWS, as behavioural pattern of women suffering from BWS cannot be generalised, as it differs from a case to case basis. Further, BWS has also been criticised on the grounds that it portrays battered women as weak and dysfunctional.[42] Further, such women are regarded to have failed to comply with their gender expectations and can be labelled as abnormal, mentally ill and dangerous.[43] Keeping in mind that self-defence plea has been more favourable (in the US) than the plea of insanity or provocation,[44] the defence of “self-defence” should be made available to battered woman rather than the defence of insanity which is detrimental towards such battered women.

While the need for an express provision on BWS in the Nepalese legal sphere cannot be denied due to lack of judicial literature and endeavour into the issue, the law, if made, should be broad enough, not to again act against the battered woman. Use of Walker’s theory can be detrimental to the battered woman herself. For example, Walker mentions that a battered woman develops learned helplessness (further explained below at 3.1), which renders them passive and unresponsive to violence. Generalisation of such requirement for a  battered woman may leave out women who do not exhibit such behavioural patterns.[45] Therefore, while defeating older myths regarding  battered women, the theory might create a myth of its own.[46]  Use of BWS in courtrooms poses the risk of stereotypical and pathological characterisation of a battered woman.[47] This is true in case of Nepal as well.[48] Therefore, its application must be done carefully and on a case-to-case basis. Thus, while applying Walker’s theory to introduce a potential provision dealing with BWS, it becomes important to make sure that the provisions do not “generalise” the battered women.

(Courts have reduced the punishment in cases of crimes committed by a woman due to the abusive household that she lived in. However, they have historically failed to expressly deal with BWS.[49] Another problem that exists with the Nepalese Legal System is that, the judiciary has not yet, at least not fully, recognized the importance of expert testimony in cases involving BWS.[50] Therefore, this article shall also incorporate the practice in the US legal system while dealing with expert testimony in cases involving BWS. Additionally, this article shall deal with the question as to whether reducing the punishment to that of manslaughter (or equivalent)[51]or even reducing the years of punishment enough or should there be a complete self-defence for battered women, in appropriate cases. Thus, this article shall also deal with the requirement of a “separate” self-defence based on “reasonable woman test” and highlight the needs of expert witnesses in Nepalese Courts in case of BWS.)

3. Theories of Battered Woman Syndrome

As already stated, BWS is based on core concepts of “learned helplessness” and “cycle of violence”. These theories help one understand the reasons behind the events of domestic violence and reasons for its continuance, along with inherent weaknesses that a woman faces, which acts as a hurdle to her “escape route”. This part shall mainly deal with psychological analysis.

3.1. Learned Helplessness

Originally developed by Martin Seligman, the “Learned Helplessness” theory demonstrates how escaping opportunities were discarded by a battered woman due to traumas caused in the past while escaping. During his experiment, he found that dogs who were subjected to inescapable electric shocks during their attempt to escape, failed to escape even when there were no such shocks,[52] because they learned that the outcome (i.e. a negative stimuli like electric shocks) were independent of their responses and such learning undermined their attempt to escape.[53] Using such theory, Walker attempted to explain why women find it difficult to leave a battering relationship.[54] While there are conflicting studies with regard to learned helplessness in human beings, parallel effect of depression and helplessness can be observed.[55] In this context, it also becomes important to address that there exist conflicting opinions on how a battered woman can ‘un’-learn helplessness and kill.[56] However, the theory of learned helplessness is largely accepted today. Therefore, such hurdles in the route of escape, further continues the cycle of violence (explained below at 3.2).

Childhood exposure to domestic violence which might also induce the reluctance to accept such violence as “inevitable”, can also explain why a woman does not leave abusive household.  In addition, law enforcement’s attitude towards domestic violence can also block the path of escape. The “castle doctrine” (as observed in the US) which provides that a person’s home is their castle and they ought not to abandon it to his enemy, can also justify why a battered woman does not retreat. However, here again, a loophole that exists is that, if the attacker has a much larger right on the household where the attack occurs, duty to retreat still applies on the woman.[57]

3.1.1. Adapting the Psychosocial Theory of Learned Helplessness to Battered Women

It has been found that battered women live with, marry and even return back to their batterer.[58] The choice to stay in the relation is sometimes based on a rational cost-benefit analysis. In many situations, a woman cannot sustain herself, without the partner’s help and thus, staying in the relation becomes more reasonable.[59] Battered women, therefore, do not attempt to escape the relationship, because of their submissiveness and passiveness. They do not believe that they can control their situation. The theory therefore explains how killing the batterer becomes the last resort, as she believes that she is not able to prevent the situation in any other manner.[60] However, it is pertinent to note that Seligman (along with his colleagues) himself, has criticised the use of “learned helplessness” theory by Walker stating that “passivity observed among victims of domestic violence is a middling example of learned helplessness”.[61] Therefore, such partly-conflicting observations might give a reasonable ground to conclude that the “reasonable woman test” should only be a ground for mitigation of punishment, and not a ground for excuse. However, in judicial practice, complete self-defence has been provided, which also cannot be ignored.

3.2 Cycle of Violence

To understand BWS, there is a need to understand how battering occurs and recurs.  According to the “cycle of violence” theory, battering in a relationship occurs in a “cycle” rather than in a “random” or in a “constant” manner. There are three stages in a battered relationship; the tension building phase; the acute explosion or acute battering incident; and the contrite loving stage.[62] If this cycle repeats twice, it gives rise to a battered relationship,[63] as has been cited by the Supreme Court of Nepal as well.[64]  Continuance of the cycle is fueled by the psychological and economic obstacles that a women faces if she chooses to be independent from the relation. “Romantic paternalism” present in the society can further explain how a woman is caged[65] and cannot escape. Additionally, it has been found that people who left the abusive relationship, were traced and faced even greater abuse. Thus, the primary fear of such women – retaliation with even more violence by the batterer – gives continuance to such relationship.[66] Further, battered women were found to be restricted (isolated) by the batterer due to his jealousy and to shield against discovery of the abuse by other people. Additionally, the battered women insulate themselves due to humiliation and fear.[67] However, application of the “cycle of violence” theory to battered women have faced criticisms – with Prof. Faigman, for example, stating that “the prevailing theories of battered woman syndrome have little evidentiary value in self-defence cases…[and is] incapable of explaining why an abused woman strikes out at her mate when she does”.[68] Therefore, again, such short-comings might explain the reasons for the “reasonable woman’s test” being only a ground for mitigation of punishment, and not a complete excuse.[69]

3.3 Conclusion on the Theories

There have been several comments on the inherent problems of the BWS theory and its incompliance with the empirical findings that does not support the presence of learned helplessness, further complicating the already-difficult evidence problem.  For example, Gondolf and Fisher’s research suggests that battered women actively sought help. However, again, such findings may not align with the Nepalese society. Walker has found that battered women developed low self-esteem, fear and held traditional view about home and female sex roles; thinking if they would improve, their mates would stop beating them.[70] Further monetary dependence of the woman on the husband, provides a ground for battering to build without any routes for escape.[71] Such explanations still aligns with the male-centric cultural practices[72] of the Nepalese society. Therefore, despite there being conflicting findings, large acceptance of the theory cannot be denied.

4. Justifying the test of a “Reasonable Woman”

Observing historically, the common law permitted “moderate correction” of the wife. The nineteenth century British Common law validated the “rule of thumb” according to which, a husband can beat his wife with a rod not thicker than his thumb. A husband was legally considered to be sovereign of his wife.[73] A wife who killed her husband used to face far serious punishments than a husband who killed his wife. Similar patriarchal notion can be observed in the “gender-neutral” laws, like self-defence as well.

Walker has addressed the issue of self-defence being tested under the test of a “reasonable person” which generally includes objective test of what an average reasonable man would do as self-defence.[74] She advocated for the term “battered women self-defence”.[75] Similarly, she addressed the issue with the requirement of “imminence” to invoke self-defence. Generally, a battered woman becomes hyper-vigilant to impending danger and takes a pre-emptive strike, without an “imminence” of danger being there. Expert evidence can help in establishing “imminence” element (of sorts) of self-defence claim as well.[76] Another issue arises with the requirement of “reasonable amount of force to repeal danger”. Given the previous incidents of domestic violence and having been defenceless against the batterer, and possibility of future retaliation by the batterer if the woman fights back, a woman may grab for a gun or a knife as a weapon of self-defence, and kill to prevent impending battering.[77] Professor Paul Robinson provides an allegory to explain how a danger can have “imminence” without being “imminent”. He explains, if a boat has a slow but steady leak, with a certainty that the ship will sink, will the sailors wait till the boat sinks?[78] In lack of adequate alternative against the abusive relationship, killing seems to be the only way out.[79] Such explanations help explain killing of the batterer in both confrontational and non-confrontational cases.[80]

Since battered women kill when the husband is off-guard, they fail to meet the “immediacy requirement” for self-defence (as per the general view).[81] Similarly, the existence of “equal force” requirement in the claim of self-defence works against a battered woman, because such equal use of force from the woman might result to larger retaliation from the male counter-part. Thus, a higher force resulting to death is reasonable. This highlight a need of “reasonable woman test”, when it comes to battered women who kill, since the test of “reasonableness” itself is not reasonable.[82] It has been stated that the requirement of “equal force” assume that the persons in dispute are equal in in size and ability. Such objective standard of self-defence prejudices the woman.[83] Similar short-comings in the test of self-defence existed in the English Common law system.[84]

Knowledge is interwoven with perception and a battered woman’s perception of violence is different from that of a male. There have been instances where a jury could not figure out why a battered woman killed her batterer at the time that she did, and not before.[85] (Here again, one can observe the importance of expert witness.) This can again be justified using the cycle of violence theory and how a woman perceives domestic violence. Therefore, a reasonable battered woman might react differently towards violence than a male, thus justifying the test of a “reasonable woman”.[86] These issues must be acknowledged by the courts of Nepal.

5. Case for Expert Witness

There have been findings in the US on expert witnesses, whose primary role is to educate and sensitise the jurors, so as to aid them in their decision making process. They help in dispelling myths and stereotypes associated with battered women. Courts have historically been misinformed about battered women[87] and an expert witness’s involvement aids the courts to see clearer pictures that are not confined within the four walls.[88]

Expert witness has been denied in the past because of a lack of adequate scientific acceptance on BWS.[89] However, there has been a substantial scientific development in the field. The American Psychological Association has endorsed the validity of the syndrome in many amicus submissions filed by them.[90] Australian courts also accepted the syndrome to be a scientifically established facet of psychology during the 1990s[91]  unlike in the 80s.[92] Similarly, in the US, courts in every jurisdiction have accepted the use of expert testimony in cases involving BWS and self-defence claim, with some US states codifying it into statues.[93] The American courts have also found that the syndrome satisfies the Daubert test, which requires the judges to consider the testability of the scientific theory; error rates associated with the theory; publication of relevant research in peer-reviewed publications; and general acceptance of the scientific basis of the theory, before accepting expert testimonies.[94]

Experts are brought in to provide a combination of information and insight. The insight (their own views) that they provide, reflects a part of the expert’s role in acting as an advocate for any battered woman. This may create a “conflict of interest” on the part of the expert.  Expert witnesses have been denied based on the reasoning of “prejudicial impacts”.[95] (However, it has been found that benefits of expert testimony outweighs the prejudicial effect, as has been provided below. See the text at citation 101). This highlights the need of “information part” of the testimony from the expert which are not based on his views but based on the facts of the case and study of the background of the battered women. [96]

Research suggests that if the observer (i.e. the judge) is able to differentiate between themselves and the victim, it creates a “sympathy” on the part of the observer and such differentiation allows the observer to believe that they have never faced and will never face such violence because they are not in the same situation as the victim.[97] An expert testimony on battered woman helps in creation of such differentiation, and establish a different “category” for such women. Therefore, such differentiation makes the court undertake the “reasonable women’s test”, as the situation that the battered women have faced, is not something that can be compared with other forms of violence. This also highlights the need of expert testimony.[98]

The Supreme Court has acknowledged the need of a legal provision in Nepalese Legal System which allows expert witness testimony in cases dealing with BWS.[99] The Dyas test,[100] as followed by some states in the US, provides that so as to accept expert witnesses, there must be a subject matter which is “beyond the ken of the average layman” and the witness must have “sufficient knowledge or experience in that field…or his inference or opinion aids the trier in his search for the truth”. Finally, “the state of the art of the testimony’s substance must be such that an opinion or inference can reasonably be drawn by an expert.” This test provides grounds for admitting expert witness testimony, while also making sure that “junk sciences” are excluded. Applying the test, the District of Columbia Court of Appels had decided that the lower court had erred by excluding testimony of Dr. Lenore Walker herself. The Court of Appeals decided that the value of testimony substantially outweighed any prejudicial effect.[101] However, there always lies a risk of well-grounded scientific theories being inadmissible due to submission of “junk sciences” by experts. Such situation arises because of the experts whose opinion are available to the highest bidder.[102] A proper scrutiny to establish impartiality is to be done, as misuse of the defence cannot be denied.[103]  Therefore, the grounds laid down in the Dyas test has to be noted while developing an express provision admitting expert witness in the cases involving BWS.

6. Conclusion

These findings must be taken into account while making an express provision on battered women syndrome. There are short-comings on the theory propounded by Walker. Further, there are serious issues like the introduction of junk science, while introducing expert testimony, which can again introduce a new plague. While an express provision does possess a risk of “generalisation”, what cannot be denied is that fact that many states have effectively implemented the findings on BWS, by providing broad interpretation to the law concerning BWS. The practice of mandatory minimum punishment for battered woman who kill must end, if all the requirements of the defence are made out.[104] Rather than merely limiting BWS as a mitigating factor for punishment, there is a need to provide full self-defence in appropriate cases. Similarly, there is also a need to address the potential misuse that such provisions can have, and therefore limitation is necessary to prevent it from being used as a sword rather than a shield. For example; in a case (from the US), a woman victim of domestic violence, was correctly not a given a protection under the garb of BWS, wherein she had hired a person to kill her husband after being separated for two months. Further, the killing took place at the defendant’s house and she was encouraging the homicide.[105] However, there have been cases where imperfect self-defence has been provided to a battered woman, despite her act of hiring a man to kill her husband.[106] Therefore, the potential provision on BWS should be broad enough to introduce the practice of full self-defence and to prevent creation of a “new myth”, while also providing adequate discretion to the judiciary to filter out cases to prevent the abuse of such provisions. As already mentioned, case-specific and idiosyncratic diagnosis should not be disturbed if any express provision is introduced. Additionally, the provision should also make expert testimony easily admissible in such cases because the issue of BWS is multi-disciplinary,[107] and is not just limited to the study of law.


*Kiran Paudel is a Founding Partner at Wisdom Law Associates, Kathmandu. The author holds LL.M. degree (in Criminal and Commercial Laws) and M.A. in Political Science from Tribhuvan University. He is currently a candidate for Master in Public Administration, Tribhuvan University.

**Sankalpa Koirala is a B.A./LL.B. student at RGNUL, Punjab.

(The editorial board is thankful towards Prof. Dr. Rajit Bhakta Pradhananga for his advice.)

(This article has been prepared for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. The information contained is not intended to create a lawyer-client relationship. The views expressed in the article does not reflect the the official position of the institutions to which the authors are affiliated. Readers should not act upon this without seeking advice from professional advisers. )


[1] M Julianne Leary, ‘A Woman, a Horse, and a Hickory Tree: The Development of Expert Testimony on the Battered Woman Syndrome in Homicide Cases’ (1985) 53 UMKC L Rev 386 < https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1338&context=lawineq >

[2] Paul C. Giannelli, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome’ (1993) 16 (1) Public Defender Reporter 1  <https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/faculty_publications/312/ >

[3] Lenore E Walker, Roberta K Thyfault and Angela Browne, ‘Beyond the Juror’s Ken: Battered Women’ (1982) 7 Vt L Rev 1 <https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/vlr7&div=6&id=&page=&gt;

[4] ibid.

[5] ibid.

[6] A Renee Callahan, ‘Will the Real Battered Woman Please Stand Up–In Search of a Realistic Legal Definition of Battered Woman Syndrome’ (1994) 3 Am UJ Gender & L 117  < https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1189&context=jgspl&gt;

[7] Barbara Hamilton and Elizabeth Sheehy, ‘Thrice Punished: Battered Women, Criminal Law and Disinheritance’ (2004) 8 Southern Cross University Law Review 96 <https://eprints.qut.edu.au/19298/&gt;

[8] Julie Blackman, ‘Potential Uses for Expert Testimony: Ideas toward the Representation of Battered Women Who Kill’ (1986) 9 Women’s Rts L Rep   246 < https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/worts9&div=24&id=&page=>

[9] Diana J Ensign, ‘Links between the Battered Woman Syndrome and the Battered Child Syndrome: An Argument for Consistent Standards in the Admissibility of Expert Testimony in Family Abuse Cases’ (1990) 36 Wayne L Rev 1619 <https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/waynlr36&div=53&id=&page=&gt;; David L Faigman and Amy J Wright, ‘The Battered Woman Syndrome in the Age of Science’ (1997) 39 Ariz L Rev 67 <https://repository.uchastings.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1140&context=faculty_scholarship&gt;

[10] Government of Nepal (as per the FIR of Gurans Devi Lama) v Radhika Shrestha [2014] NLR 2071 Issue 9 Decision No. 9242 (Supreme Court)

[11] Mary Ann Dutton, ‘Update of the “Battered Woman Syndrome” Critique’, Applied Research Forum National, (2009) Online Resource Center on Violence Against Women  < https://vawnet.org/sites/default/files/materials/files/2016-09/AR_BWSCritique.pdf&gt;

[12] Meredith Blake, ‘Coerced into Crime: The Application of Battered Woman Syndrome to the Defense of Duress’ (1994) 9 Wis Women’s LJ 67 <https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/wiswo9&div=7&id=&page=&gt;

[13] Regina A Schuller, ‘Expert Evidence and Its Impact on Jurors’ Decisions in Homicide Trials Involving Battered Women’ (2003) 10 Duke J Gender L & Pol’y 225 < http://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1077&context=djglp&gt;

[14] Mary Ann Dutton, ‘Update of the “Battered Woman Syndrome” Critique’ (n 11).

[15] Lenore E A Walker, ‘Battered Women Syndrome and Self-Defense’ (1992) 6 Notre Dame JL Ethics & Pub Pol’y 321 < https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1476&context=ndjlepp>; Anna Gotter, ‘Battered Women Syndrome’ (Healthline, May 6, 2021) < https://www.healthline.com/health/battered-woman-syndrome#:~:text=Battered%20woman%20syndrome%20is%20considered,woman%20syndrome%20may%20feel%20helpless>

[16] Katherine K. Baker, ‘Gender and Emotion in Criminal Law’ (2005) 28 Harv J L & Gender 447 < http://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1052&context=fac_schol&gt;

[17] Jacquelyne R. Biggers, ‘The Utility of Diagnostic Language as Expert Witness Testimony: Should Syndrome Terminology Be Used in Battering Cases?’ (2005) 5 (1) Journal of Forensic Psychology Practice 43 <https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1300/J158v05n01_03 >

[18] ibid.

[19] The Validity and Use of Evidence Concerning Battering and Its Effects in Criminal Trials: Report Responding to Section 40507 of the Violence against Women Act (U.S. Department of Justice, May 1996) <https://nij.ojp.gov/library/publications/validity-and-use-evidence-concerning-battering-and-its-effects-criminal-trials >

[20] Noel Rivers-Schutte, ‘History of the Battered Woman Syndrome- a fallen attempt to redefine the reasonable person standard in domestic violence cases’ (2013) Law School Student Scholarship <https://scholarship.shu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1618&context=student_scholarship >

[21] ‘Battered Women Who Kill Their Abusers’ (1993) 106 Harv L Rev 1577

[22] Phyllis L Crocker, ‘The Meaning of Equality for Battered Woman Who Kill Men in Self-Defense’ (1985) 8 Harv Women’s LJ 121

[23] ibid 126- 127.

[24] State v Wanrow, 88 Wash. 2d 221, 559 P.2d 548 (1977)

[25] Elizabeth Bochank and Elissa Krauss (eds), Women’s Self-Defense Cases: Theory and Practice (Lexis Pub 1981)

[26] Hawthorne v State, 408 So. 2d 801, 806 (Fla. Dist. Ct. App. 1982)

[27] Mary Ann Dutton, Lisa A. Goodman, Kevin Weinfurt and Nataile Vankos, ‘Patterns of Intimate Partner Violence: Correlates and Outcomes’ (2005) 20 (5) Violence and Victims 483 <https://connect.springerpub.com/content/sgrvv/20/5/483>

[28] Laxmi Baadi v. HMG [2003] Decision No. 7246, 2060   (N.K.P 2060, no. 7/8, Decision no. 7246, p.578)

[29] Joak Kumari Karki v GoN, Decision No. 8223, 2066 (2009)

[30] Chapter of Court Management of Muluki Ain 2020, no. 188.

[31] Dibya Shrestha and Nisha Bhandari, ‘Battered Women Syndrome: Need for Judicial Objectivity’ (2018) 6 Kathmandu Sch L Rev 149 < https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/kslr/article/view/30747&gt;

[32] GoN v Sena Lama Sherpa, Sc. Bull. vol. 1, at 29 (2072)

[33] GoN v Ganga alias Kabita Bajgai (Adhikari), Sc. Bull. Vol. 1, at 5 (2073)

[34] Shanti BK v GoN, NKP 2061, no. 6, p.769, Criminal Appeal No. 3091 of 2059

[35] Indira Silwal, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome as a Mitigating Factor of Homicide in Nepal’ (2017) 11 NJA LJ 151 < https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/njal11&div=10&id=&page=>

[36] Government of Nepal (as per the FIR of Gurans Devi Lama) v Radhika Shrestha [2014] Decision No. 9242, 2071

[37] ‘SC sets precedent over Battered Women Syndrome’, New Spotlight (5 January 2015) <https://www.spotlightnepal.com/2015/01/05/sc-sets-precedent-over-battered-women-syndrome/ >

[38] ‘The Government of Nepal as per the FIR of Gurans Devi Lama v Radhika Shrestha’ (2016) 10 NJA LJ 275 <https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/njal10&div=20&id=&page=&gt;

[39] Dibya Shrestha and Nisha Bhandari, ‘Battered Women Syndrome: Need for Judicial Objectivity’ (n 31).

[40] The National Penal Code 2017 (Muluki Aparaadh Samhita 2074), s 39 (h); The Criminal Offences (Sentencing and Execution) Act 2017, s 15.

[41] Dibya Shrestha and Nisha Bhandari, ‘Battered Women Syndrome: Need for Judicial Objectivity’ (n 31).

[42] Martha Shaffer, ‘The Battered Woman Syndrome Revisited: Some Complicating thoughts Five Years after R. v. Lavallee’ (1997) 47 U Toronto LJ 9  < https://www.jstor.org/stable/826013&gt;

[43] Susan S.M Edwards, ‘Neither Bad Nor Mad: The Female Violent Offender Reassessed’ (1986) 9 (1) Women’s Studies Int. Forum 79 < https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/0277539586900798>

[44] Jacqueline R Castel, ‘Discerning Justice for Battered Women Who Kill’ (1990) 48 U Toronto Fac L Rev 229  < https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/utflr48&div=16&id=&page= >

[45] Mary Becker, ‘Access to Justice for Battered Women’ (2003) 12 Wash U JL & Pol’y 63 < https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1310&context=law_journal_law_policy&gt;; Julie Stubbs and Julia Tolmie, ‘Falling Short of the Challenge – A Comparative Assessment of the Australian Use of Expert Evidence on the Battered Woman Syndrome’ (1999) 23 Melb U L Rev 709 <http://classic.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/MelbULawRw/1999/27.html&gt;; Shelby A D Moore, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome: Selling the Shadow to Support the Substance’ (1995) 38 Howard LJ 297 < https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/howlj38&div=18&id=&page=>

[46] Mary Ann Dutton, ‘Understanding Women’s Responses to Domestic Violence: A Redefinition of Battered Woman Syndrome’ (1993) 21 Hofstra L Rev 1191< https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/hlr/vol21/iss4/2/&gt;

[47] Cheryl A Terrance, Karyn M Plumm and Katlin J Rhyner, ‘Expert Testimony in Cases Involving Battered Women Who Kill: Going beyond the Battered Woman Syndrome’ (2012) 88 ND L Rev 921 <https://commons.und.edu/ndlr/vol88/iss4/4/>

[48] Indira Silwal, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome as a Mitigating Factor of Homicide in Nepal’ (n 35).

[49] Doma Lameni v HMG, 37, NKP 104 (2046); Indira Silwal, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome as a Mitigating Factor of Homicide in Nepal’ (n 35).

[50] Indira Silwal, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome as a Mitigating Factor of Homicide in Nepal’

[51] Nepal Govemment on behalf of Rajan Rai  v Amrika Rai, Case no. 236/2061 (Shravan 5 2065).

[52] Martin P. Seligman and Steven F. Maier, ‘ Learned Helplessness: Theory and Evidence’ (1976) 105 (1) Journal of Experimental Psychology 3 <https://ppc.sas.upenn.edu/sites/default/files/lhtheoryevidence.pdf >

[53] Steven F. Maier and Martin E P Seligman, ‘Learned Helplessness at Fifty: Insights from Neuroscience’ (2016) 123 (4) Psychological Review 349 < https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4920136/#:~:text=Learned%20helplessness%2C%20the%20failure%20to,learning%20undermined%20trying%20to%20escape >

[54] New Zealand Law Commission, Battered Defendants Victims of Domestic Violence Who Offended

[55] W.R. Miller and M.E. Seligman, ‘Depression and Learned Helplessness in man’ (1975) 84 (3) Journal of Abnormal Psychology; L.Y. Abramson, M.E. Seligman and J. D.Teasdale, ‘Learned helplessness in humans: critique and reformulation’ 87 (1) Journal of Abnormal Psychology 49 < https://psycnet.apa.org/record/1979-00305-001>

[56] Jone Bosworth, ‘The Trouble with Battered Women’s Syndrome’ (1996) 11 Adelphia LJ 63

[57] Maryanne E Kampmann, ‘The Legal Victimization of Battered Women’ (1993) 15 Women’s Rts L Rep 101

[58] State of Kansas v Hundley, 236 Kan.461, 693 P.2d 475 (1985).

[59] Einat Peled and others, ‘Choice And Empowerment For Battered Women Who Stay: Toward A Constructivist Model’ (2000) 45 Social Work 9 <https://www.researchgate.net/publication/12680543_Choice_and_Empowerment_for_Battered_Women_Who_Stay_Toward_a_Constructivist_Model&gt;

[60] Mira Mihajlovich, ‘Does Plight Make Right: The Battered Woman Syndrome, Expert Testimony and the Law of Self-Defense’ (1987) 62 (4) Indiana Law Journal 1253 <https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2105&context=ilj>

[61] Christopher Peterson, Stefen F. Maier and Martin E.P. Seligman, Learned helplessness: A Theory for the age of Personal Control (OUP 1995)

[62] New Zealand Law Commission (n 54).

[63] State v Kelly, 97 N.J. 178 (1984)

[64] Government of Nepal (as per the FIR of Gurans Devi Lama) v Radhika Shrestha, Decision No. 9242, 2071 (2014).

[65] Frontiero v Richardson, 411 U.S. 677, 684 (1973)

[66] Lenore E Walker and Roberta K Thyfault and Angela Browne, ‘Beyond the Juror’s Ken: Battered Women’ (n 3).

[67] ibid.

[68] Paul C. Giannelli, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome’  (n 2).

[69] Marilyn McMahon, ‘Battered Women and Bad Science: The Limited Validity and Utility of

Battered Woman Syndrome’ (1999) 6(1) Psychiatry, Psychology and Law 23 < https://www.researchgate.net/publication/240235838_Battered_women_and_bad_science_The_limited_validity_and_utility_of_battered_woman_syndrome&gt;

[70] Matthew Fine, ‘Hear Me Now: The Admission of Expert Testimony on Battered Women’s Syndrome – An Evidentiary Approach’ (2013) 20 Wm & Mary J Women & L 221 < https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmjowl/vol20/iss1/10/>

[71] Jeffery Robinson, ‘Defense Strategies for Battered Women Who Assault Their Mates: State v Curry’ (1981) 4 Harv Women’s LJ 161< https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/hwlj4&div=10&id=&page=&gt;; Pamela Posch, ‘The Negative Effects of Expert Testimony on the Battered Women’s Syndrome’ (1998) 6 Am U J Gender & L 485 <https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1227&context=jgspl&httpsredir=1&referer= >; Steffani J Saitow, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome: Does the Reasonable Battered Woman Exist’ (1993) 19 New Eng J on Crim & Civ Confinement 329 < https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-library/abstracts/battered-woman-syndrome-does-reasonable-battered-woman-exist>

[72] Mary Ann Dutton, ‘Understanding Women’s Responses to Domestic Violence: A Redefinition of Battered Woman Syndrome’  (n 46).

[73] M Julianne Leary, ‘A Woman, a Horse, and a Hickory Tree: The Development of Expert Testimony on the Battered Woman Syndrome in Homicide Cases’  (n 1).

[74] Lenore E A Walker, ‘Battered Women Syndrome and Self-Defense’ (n 15).

[75] Jone Bosworth, ‘The Trouble with Battered Women’s Syndrome’ (n 56).

[76] J Bruce Robertson, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome: Expert Evidence in Action’ (1998) 9 Otago L Rev 277 <https://heinonline.org/hol-cgi-bin/get_pdf.cgi?handle=hein.journals/otago9&section=22&gt;

[77] Gail S Zarosa, ‘When Battered Women Strike Back’ (1996-1997) 7 US AF Acad J Legal Stud 97 < https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/usafa7&div=10&id=&page=&gt;; Carolyn Wilkes Kaas, ‘The Admissibility of Expert Testimony on the Battered Woman Syndrome in Support of a Claim of Self-Defense’ (1982) 15 Conn L Rev 121 < https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/conlr15&div=19&id=&page=>

[78] Paul H. Robinson, Criminal Law Defenses: Criminal Law Practice Series (1984) 57

[79] Aileen McColgan, ‘In Defence of Battered Women who Kill’ (1993) 13 Oxford J Legal Stud 516 < https://ojls.oxfordjournals.org/content/13/4/508.full.pdf+html&gt;

[80] Lauren K Fernandez, ‘Battered Women Syndrome’ (2007) 8 Geo J Gender & L 235

[81] A Renee Callahan, ‘Will the Real Battered Woman Please Stand Up–In Search of a Realistic Legal Definition of Battered Woman Syndrome’ (1994) 3 Am U J Gender & L 117 <https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1189&context=jgspl&gt;; Paula Donner Walter, ‘Expert Testimony and Battered Women: Conflict among the Courts and a Proposal’ (1982) 3 J Legal Med 267 <https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01947648209513352&gt;

[82] David L Faigman, ‘Discerning Justice When Battered Women Kill’ (1987) 39 Hastings L J 207 < https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol39/iss1/5/&gt;

[83] Gail S Zarosa, ‘When Battered Women Strike Back’ (n 77).

[84] Katherine O’Donovan, ‘Defences for Battered Women Who Kill’ (1991) 18 JL & Soc’y 219 < https://www.jstor.org/stable/1410138&gt;

[85] People v Torres, 128 Misc. 2d 129, 130, 488 N.Y.S.2d 361, 362 (1985).

[86] Jenae R Bunyak, ‘Battered Wives Who Kill: Civil Liability and the Admissibility of Battered Woman’s Syndrome Testimony’ (1986) 4 Law & Ineq 603 < https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/lawineq/vol4/iss3/5/&gt;

[87] Lenore E Walker, Roberta K Thyfault and Angela Browne, ‘Beyond the Juror’s Ken: Battered Women’ (n 3).

[88] Julie Blackman and Ellen Brickman, ‘The impact of expert testimony on trials of battered women who kill their husbands’ (1984) 2 Behav Sci & L 413

[89] State v Thomas, 66 Ohio St. 2d 518, 423 N.E.2d 137 (Ohio 1981)

[90] State v Kelly, 97 N.J. 178 (1984)

[91]  R v Runjanjic and Kontinnen (1991) 56 SASR 114. South Australian Court of Appeal

[92] Buhrle v State 627 P.2d 1374 (Wyo. 1981); State v Thomas, 66 Ohio St. 2d 518, 423 N.E.2d 137 (Ohio 1981); Hawthorne v State, 470 So. 2d 770 (Fla. Dist. Ct. App. 1985)

[93] Lauren K Fernandez, ‘Battered Women Syndrome’  (n 80) 5.

[94] Marilyn McMahon, ‘Battered Women and Bad Science: The Limited Validity and Utility of Battered Woman Syndrome’ (n 69) 3.

[95] Fielder v State 683 S.W.2d 565, 594 (Tex. App. 1985)

[96] Julie Blackman and Ellen Brickman, ‘The impact of expert testimony on trials of battered women who kill their husbands’ (n 88).

[97] ibid.

[98] ibid.

[99] Government of Nepal (as per the FIR of Gurans Devi Lama) v Radhika Shrestha, Decision No. 9242, 2071 (2014).

[100] Dyas v United States, 376 A.2d 827, 832 (1977)

[101] Ibn-Tamas v. United States, 407 A.2d 626, 639 (D.C. Ct. App. 1979).

[102] Paul C. Gianelli, ‘“Junk Science”: The Criminal Cases’, (1993) 84 Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 105 <https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/faculty_publications/393/&gt;; Allison Morse, ‘Social Science in the Courtroom: Expert Testimony and Battered Women’ (1998) 21 Hamline L Rev 287  < https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/hamlrv21&div=20&id=&page=>

[103] Jessica Savage, ‘Battered Woman Syndrome ‘ (2006) 7 Geo J Gender & L 76 < https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/grggenl7&div=33&id=&page=>

[104] Elizabeth Sheehy, ‘Battered Women and Mandatory Minimum Sentences’ (2001) 39 Osgoode Hall LJ 529 < https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/vol39/iss2/13/>

[105] State v. Martin, 666 S.W.2d 895 (Mo. Ct. App. 1984).

[106] Joy Dodge, ‘Porter v. State: Appropriately Pushing the Limits of the Battered Spouse Syndrome Statute’ (2018) 18 U Md LJ Race, Religion, Gender & Class 235 < https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/rrgc/vol18/iss1/23/&gt;

[107] Anu Lohani, ‘Providing Justice for Women: The Interface between Law and Literature’ (2008) 2 NJA LJ 123 < http://nkcs.org.np/nja/elibrary/?r=27>

Currency Manipulation: Is This a Trade War?

SUDIKSHYA SHARMA*

1. Introduction

Currency manipulation has not ceased to become a subject of debate among nations in today’s scenario. Such strategies have survived the middle ages and exists even today.[1] It refers to the act taken by governments in order to change the value of their currencies relative to other currencies for some motives. One of the motives for such actions by wealthy nations is to gain an unfair competition advantage in the global trade market.[2] The countries basically manipulate the currencies to make their exports efficaciously cheaper which in return makes imports quite expensive.[3] Instead of leaving the currencies to freely fluctuate, the value of currencies is changed against other currencies by fixing the rate of exchange or changing its value (increasing or decreasing); such changes itself being subject to national policy intervention,[4] which results in global trade imbalance in long run by distorting currency prices. The countries with massive trade deficits often use the term, “currency manipulation” in their political discussion. Foreigners, are accused for their “vile action” when it comes to trade deficits, by the politicians and the citizens of a certain country. However, saving a tiny amount of income and running massive government budget deficit can be the actual reason behind trade deficit.

2. Currency Manipulation & Global Economy

Currency manipulation has severe effects on the global economy. It is accountable for millions of job loss in the United States (US) and Europe.[5] Many scholars have argued that China, being the major currency manipulator,[6] has led to possible threat in the trade market. With the currency being devaluated, the market shares in manufacturing industries of China may increase more and more and that may probably lead to increase in pricing power, which ultimately threatens the jobs around the globe.[7] The industries that are highly export-oriented can be annihilated by unjust strong currency. Many Foreign Direct Investors (FDIs) tend to undertake capital flight due to expected currency manipulation or devaluation of the currency.[8] The countries which are substantial importers can be a subject to inflation. There can be the huge impact in the labor composition as well as in the productivity as the manufacturing sectors mostly engage in trade and bear huge percent of job loss.[9]

3. The Ongoing Debate

Many economists have claimed that China has been manipulating its currency so as to provide negative effects for United States.[10] The Department of Treasury of the United States has stated that China has taken a solid step to devalue its currency in order to gain a competitive advantage in an unfair manner.[11]At the moment, the recent debate is whether or not the other countries are using policies in order to weaken the value of their currency for gaining a trade advantage. Suppose, if some other country devaluates its currency with respect to the dollar, US imports from the country becomes less expensive and the exports to the country becomes more expensive. This result in negative affect to US exports to the country and the producers of import-sensitive goods in US may feel difficult to compete with imports from the country. But it benefits the US consumers who buy imported products and businesses that depend on inputs from other country because the product becomes less expensive.[12]

Japan was immensely condemned for undervaluing its currency during the first decade of 21st century whereas Germany is being accused of currency manipulation because it has largest current account surplus in the world. But the irony is that it does not have its own currency and uses Euro.[13] Also, China was just moving towards the flexible exchange rate and therefore, it was accused of currency manipulation. [14]But several claims have been made that the accusation on China is not true. The United States have also been accusing Brazil and Argentina as currency manipulators to give artificial boost on export of the products.[15] Also, the International Monetary fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organizations (WTO) are not able to take a direct action regarding currency manipulation because the rules of WTO is quite unclear regarding the issue and IMF does not have any sort of jurisdiction to change exchange rate policies of any countries. However, they can impact in an indirect manner.[16]

4. Conclusion / Suggestion

With the ongoing issue of currency manipulation, countries like Nepal, which extremely depend on import, can be benefited when it comes to importing goods. However, Nepal already has pegged currency with India,[17] with whom it trades the most. Article IV of Articles of Agreement of the IMF provides members with general obligations to avoid manipulating exchange rates in international monetary system.[18] Currency Manipulation also violates the Most Favoured Nation principle, the national treatment principle and tariff bindings.[19] However, so as to solve the ongoing issue, WTO and IMF should come together, by rectifying the disconnect between the two, and resolving inherent weaknesses among themselves[20] to bring out clear policies. A new organization can also be formed to monitor currency manipulation which shall be overlooked by the WTO and the IMF. Bilateral or multilateral agreement between countries can also be formed to prevent such manipulations.[21]

Many of the currencies in the world seem undervalued because the US dollar is very strong. So, US dollar being strong, United States is considered to be an amazing place to settle the cash during economic uncertainty in the world. The United States also has inflation-adjusted interest rates which makes the US dollar strong. Foreign money also flows in the banks of US, US stocks are purchased and the investment in real estate is made, which has made the US dollar strong, which essentially might make other currencies undervalued as compared. So, it is difficult to identify whether the countries are actually manipulating the currencies to adjust balance in payment and to gain competitive advantage or is it just the dollar being strong. So, the question arises; is this a trade war?

* The author is a B.B.A. student at College of Applied Business, Kathmandu, Nepal


[1] H. van Werveke, ‘Currency Manipulation in the Middle Ages: The Case of Louis de Male, Count of Falnders’ (1949) 31 Transaction of the Royal Historical Society <https://www.jstor.org/stable/3678637> accessed 26 November 2020

[2] Ernest H. Preeg, ‘Exchange Rate Manipulation to Gain an Unfair Competitive Advantage: The Case Against Japan and China’ in  C. Fred Bergsten and John Williamson (eds), Dollar Overvaluation and the World Economy (Institute of International Economics 2003)

[3] Robert Kimmel, ‘What is currency manipulation?’ The Straits Times (2 July 2017) <https://www.straitstimes.com/business/what-is-currency-manipulation> accessed 26 November, 2020

[4]  Tarek A. Hassan, Thomas M. Mertens and Tony Zhang, ‘Currency Manipulation’ (2019) National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge Working Paper 22790, 3 < https://www.nber.org/papers/w22790 > accessed 3 December 2020

[5] Laurence Howard, ‘Chinese Currency Manipulation: Are There Any Solutions?’ (2013) 27 Emory International Law Review <https://law.emory.edu/eilr/content/volume-27/issue-2/comments/chinese-currency-manipulation.html> accessed 26 November, 2020

[6] Wei Liu and Libing Deng, ‘Who is the Exchange Rate Manipulator: China or America?’ (2012) 3(3) World Review of Political Economy < https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.3.3.0344 > accessed 29 November 2020

[7] Peter Navarro and Stephen S. Roach, ‘China’s Currency Manipulation: A Policy Debate’ (2012) 175(3) World Affairs < https://www.jstor.org/stable/41639016 > accessed 29 November 2020

[8] Troy Segal, ‘Currency Fluctuations: How they Affect the Economy?(Investopedia, 23 August 2019) <https://www.investopedia.com/articles/forex/080613/effects-currency-fluctuations-economy.asp> accessed 29 November 2020

[9] Ernest H. Preeg, ‘Exchange Rate Manipulation to Gain an Unfair Competitive Advantage: The Case Against Japan and China’ (n 2).

[10] Bryan Mercurio and Celine Sze Ning Leung, ‘Is China a “Currency Manipulator”?: The Legitimacy of China’s Exchange Regime Under the Current International Legal Framework’ (2009) 43(3) The International Lawyer 1257

[11] Ana Swanson, ‘The U.S. Labeled China a Currency Manipulator. Here’s What It Means’ The New York Times (6 August 2019) <https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/06/business/economy/china-currency-manipulator.html> accessed 29 November 2020

[12] Rebecca M. Nelson, ‘Debates over Currency Manipulation’ (Congressional Research Service, 28 January 2020) <https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/IF10049.pdf> accessed 29 November 2020

[13] Scott Sumner, ‘Currency Manipulation: Reframing the Debate’ (Mercatus Center, February 2020) <https://www.mercatus.org/system/files/sumner_-_policy_brief_-_currency_manipulation_and_exchange_rates_-_v1.pdf > accessed 3 December 2020

[14] ibid.

[15] Farok J. Contractor, ‘Currency manipulation and why Trump is picking on Brazil and Argentina’ The Conversation (4 December 2019) <https://theconversation.com/currency-manipulation-and-why-trump-is-picking-on-brazil-and-argentina-128210> accessed 29 November 2020

[16] Economic and Social Council, ‘The Issue of Currency Manipulation’ (Economic and Social Council, THIMUN Affiliated Conference)

[17] Jason Fernando, ‘Nepalese Rupee (NPR)’ (Investopedia, 10 October 2019) < https://www.investopedia.com/terms/n/npr.asp#:~:text=The%20NPR%20is%20the%20national,with%20declining%20rates%20of%20inflation > accessed 29 November 2020

[18] Articles of Agreement of International Monetary Fund (adopted 22 July 1944, entered into force 27 December 1945) 2 UNTS 39 (IMF Agreement) art IV (1) (iii)

[19] Johnathan E. Sanford, ‘Currency Manipulation: The IMF and WTO’ (Congressional Research Service, 28 January 2011) <https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RS22658.pdf> accessed 29 November 2020; Vera Thorstensen and Carolina Muller, ‘How does International Trade Regulation Addresses Exchange Rates Measures?’ (2014) 70(2) Revista Dierito GV < https://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1808-24322014000200379 > accessed 30 November 2020

[20] ibid.

[21] Chen Yu, ‘Currency Manipulation and WTO Laws: Should the Anti-Dumping Mechanism Be Entirely Dumped?’ (2019) 20(6) The Journal of World Investment & Trade <https://brill.com/view/journals/jwit/20/6/article-p891_5.xml?language=en > accessed 3 December 2020